The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

THE HERMIT MONKS OF GRANDMONT

Carole Hutchison

Illustrations by Kate Douglas

CISTERCIAN STUDIES SERIES: NUMBER ONE-HUNDRED EIGHTEEN

Cistercian Publications Kalamazoo, Michigan 1989

Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, MI 49008

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Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication

Hutchison, Carole, 1938-

The hermit monks of Grandmont/ by Carole Hutchison ; illustrations by Kate Douglas.

p. cm. -(Cistercian studies series; no. 118) Includes bibliographical references.

ISBN 0-87907-618-6

1. Order of Grandmont. 2. Hermits-France. 3. France-Church history. I. Title. II. Series.

BX3672.H88 1989 89-22108

271'.79-dc20 CIP

Printed in the United States of America.

IN MEMORY OF MY MOTHER

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements 9

Abbreviations Used 11

Introduction 13

St Stephen of Muret 27

The Growth of Grandmont 51

The Years of Crisis 67

N. The 'Mirror of Grandmont' 93

Grandmontine Life and Custom in the Late Twelfth Century

Relaxation of the Rule(1219-1317) 127

Grandmont Under the Abbots 149

The Seventeenth-Century Reforms 181

The Destruction of the Order of Grandmont 207

The Architecture of the Order of Grandmont 281

Alphabetical List of Grandmontine Sites 351

Map of Grandmontine Sites 354

Gazeteer 355

Appendix: Renaissance? 379

Select Bibliography 383

Index 395

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The purpose of this outline history of the Order of Grandmont is to draw attention to a sadly neglected area of monastic history. Much of the spadework has been carried out by scholars of this and previous generations but their work is not readily available. In particular I wish to express my gratitude to Dom Jean Becquet, osa and Dr J-R Gaborit for allowing me access to their published and unpublished works. The conclusions drawn and resulting errors are my own. I also wish to thank Mr Pierre Campagne for his help in locating relevant source material: Dr Paul Betts whose mastery of Latin eliminated many errors in the quotations from the first Custumal of Grandmont: Messrs Robin New man and Joseph Manighetti for correcting the draft manu script and Sr Deborah Doll, o.o.c., who painstakingly edited the final draft and drew my attention to several unhappy errors concerning the religious life. I also owe a great deal to Frere Philippe-Etienne for his encouragement and for his helpful explanations of Grandmontine life and custom. MrCecilF. Wright, M.S. &Dipl. Arch. kindly read the architectural section and I am most grateful for his comments especially regarding the design of the Grand montine apse. A special word of appreciation to Miss Sandra Clayton for so carefully typing the manuscript.

10 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

I would have been unable to study Grandmontine archi tecture at first hand were it not for the kindness of many of the present owners of the priories. Not only did they permit us to examine and photograph every nook and cranny of their homes, they also regaled us with the most warm and generous hospitality. In particular I wish to thank: Pierre and Christine Bastide of Comberoumal where we spent weeks researching. Also: Mr Bee, Saint-Michel de Lodeve: Mr & Mme de Beauvais, Puy Chevrier: Mr & Mme Gerson, Bois d'Allonne: Mr & Mme romard, Clairefontaine: Mr & Mme Huet, Fontblanche: Mr & Mrs Richards, Craswall: Mr & Mrs Wilde, Alberbury: La Fraternite Saint-Dominique, la Haye d'Angers and la Communaute Ursuline, Louye.

I also wish to thank the following colleagues and friends: the Rev'd Christopher Armstrong for his help and encour agement: Ron Shoesmith, Director, City of Hereford Archaeological Committee and Ruth Shoesmith who have always made us so welcome in Hereford: Gilles and Jeanette Bresson, Societe pour la sauvegarde et l'am emagement de Grammont, for their hospitality at Chassay: Jose and Therese Falco and Pierre and Charlette Boutes who, for three seasons invited us to join their archaeologi cal team at Pineland accommodated us in their homes: Jean-Fran ois Mougnaud, President de la Societe des Amis de Saint-Sylvestre et de I'Abbaye de Grandmont and Fran oise Mougnaud for their hospitality at Saint-Sylvestre. Messrs Georges Frugier and Jean-Gabriel Gabiron culti vated my interest in the Grandmontine's, a subject which they have been studying for many years.

Finally I wish to thank Kate Douglas who has accom panied me on thousands of miles of journeying through Grandmontine France and who is also responsible for most of the photographs and all the drawings which grace these pages. Without her unfailing support and friendship this book would not have been realised.

Carole Hutchison

Buckhurst Hill

1988

Abbreviations Used in the Notes 11

ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES

Bee Dom Jean Becquet

Bee SOG Jean Becquet, Scriptores Ordinis Grandimontensis, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis 8 (Turnhout, 1968).

BSAHL Bulletin de la Societe Archeologique et Historique de du Limousin, Limoges: 1845-

Gui Louis Guibert, Une page de I'histoire du clerge fran c;ais au dix-huitieme siecle, destruction de l'Ordre et de l'Abbaye de Grandmont, BSAHL, 23-25 (Limoges 1875) Republished in one volume of the same name: (Paris and Limoges: 1877)

Lev Dom Jean Levesque, Annales Ordinis Grandi montis (Troyes 1662)

PL J.-P. Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus, series lat ina, 221 volumes. Paris, 1844-64

RG Rule of Grandmont, PL 204: cols. 1135 - 1162 Also: Bee, Scriptores Ordinis Grandimontensis, Cor pus Christianorum series, Continuatio Medi aevalis 8. (Turnhout, Belgium: 1968)

RMab Revue Mabillon, Liguge, 1905-

RS Rolls Series: Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores or: Chronicles and Memorials of Great Bri tain and Ireland during the Middle Ages, published under the authority of the Master of the Rolls (London 1858-97)

VCH Victoria History of the Counties of England, Lon don: University of London Institute of Historical Research.

INTRODUCTION

TOWARDS THE CLOSE of the eleventh century, Stephen, son of the Viscount of Thiers in the Auvergne, estab lished a little group of hermits at Muret some twelve miles from the city of Limoges. Following his death in 1124, the company moved a few miles away to Grandmont and there built a monastery. This remained the mother house of their Order until its suppression in 1772, ostensibly for lack of numbers but in reality to satisfy the greed of certain secular-minded bishops.

Few people today have heard of these hermit monks of Grandmont although they constituted the most austere monastic order to emerge from the Middle Ages. In the twelfth century the 'Bonshommes', as they were popularly known, enjoyed a reputation for zeal and piety similar to the Cistercians. Their diffusion was equally remarkable. By 1163, just thirty-nine years after the death of the founder, thirty-nine houses had been established in France.

The roots of what proved to be a very unusual religious order were embedded in the monastic reform movement which originated in Italy in the last quarter of the tenth century and which subsequently swept through France, causing that great churchman and reformer, Peter Damien, to observe: 'It seemed as if the whole world would be turned into a hermitage'. The essential cause of the turmoil

which shook the monastic world to its foundations was the desire to return to the ideals of the primitive church, the vita apostolica as it is briefly outlined in the Acts of the Apostles: "All things were in common unto them and distribution was made to everyone according as he had need." Such notions of poverty, simplicity and detach ment were not wholly original. They are implicit in the sixth-century Rule of St Benedict which still remained the standard, authoritative legal code for western monks. However, in the intervening centuries and certainly in their Cluniac interpretation, its prescriptions had been stretched to the limit. Austerity was abandoned in favour of elaborate ceremonial which occupied the major part of the monastic day, leaving hardly any time for private prayer and contemplation. Manual work, one of the essen tial requirements of the Rule, was relinquished to hired servants whilst the monks became increasingly involved in worldly affairs and administration. The opulent splendour of many of the traditional monasteries, the sheer scale and extent of the properties owned by the abbeys, held little attraction for those seeking to dedicate themselves com pletely to the service of Christ. It is significant that the lifetime of St Stephen of Muret, founder of the Grandmon tines, coincided with the apogee of the cluniac experience under the long abbacy of St Hugh (1049-1109). During this period the empire of Cluny attained gigantic proportions. Its church, the largest in Christendom, must have seemed as much a monument to human achievement as the glory of God.

Since its fourth century origins in the deserts of Lower Egypt and Syria, christian monasticism continued to incor porate two distinct traditions. The eremitic, the solitary life led by anchorites, and the coenobitic, the way of the monk living in an organised community ruled by an abbot. These were never intended as diametrically opposed alternatives but as distinctive stages along the path of spiritual per fection. St Benedict himself, whilst legislating for life in

community, nevertheless observes that this is for certain individuals but the primary stage of a monastic career. He regarded the monastery as 'the school of the Lord's ser vice', and the eremitical vocation a form of postgraduate monasticism suitable for 'those men who have learnt to fight against the devil, well taught by the companionship of many brethren; and now well trained, they are compe tent to leave the ranks of their brethren for the single combat'.1

The benedictine tradition never entirely lost sight of the eremitical ideal and even the Cluniacs sometimes made provision for a hermit dwelling within the monastic enclo sure. Thus it seems reasonable that at a time when world liness and decadence were everywhere apparent, when monasteries were distinguished more for the splendour of their architecture than for their piety, certain reactionaries should consider the hermitage as their only possible alter native. The widespread opting-out of monks from the traditional monasteries in the eleventh century gave rise to a strange paradox which was repeated time and again. The monks who left regular communities to become solitaries invariably attracted followers and ended up by founding new monasteries which were merely stricter versions of those they had left in the first place. Hence, the eleventh century hermits are often indistinguishable from reformed religious. The experience of the monk turned hermit re verting to monk can be seen initially in the case of St Romuald of Ravenna (c. 950-1027). When he left the cluniac monastery of St Apollinare in Classe, it was with the avowed intention of reviving the solitude and asceticism of the 'desert fathers'. In fact, he spent the remainder of his life travelling and reforming existing monasteries, as well as founding his own monastery of Val di Castro where the Rule of St Benedict was strictly observed. After years of training, suitable candidates were permitted to retire to an individual hermitage on the slopes of nearby Mount Cam aldoli. Thus, Romuald also became the founder of the

hermit order of Camaldolese although his own experience of the hermit's cell was somewhat limited. A similar pat tern is discernible in many subsequent monastic careers. Robert of Arbrissel, Stephen of Obazine, Robert of la Chaise Dieu, Vitalis of Savigny, Bernard of Tiron, all began by rejecting the coenobitic life, but their years in the 'desert' were curtailed when their followers became so numerous that they were forced to organise regular com munities to contain them.

In this context, Stephen of Muret, founder of the Grand montines, emerges as a notable exception, for he never lived a regular life in community, and after becoming a hermit at the age of thirty he never again left his retreat at Muret. Moreover, Stephen never envisaged founding a regular monastery for his disciples. It was not until thirty two years after his death that they themselves finally sub mitted a Rule for a properly constituted Order of Grand mont to Pope Adrian IV for his approval. Even when the Grandmontines began living what was to all intents and purposes a regular life in community, they retained some thing of their unique character and continued to regard themselves as hermits. It is therefore necessary to consider to what extent such a claim can be justified. It is possible, in fact, to draw a clear distinction between, on the one hand, the traditional hermits who imitated the 'desert fathers' and lived in total seclusion and, on the other, this novel brand of medieval hermits who organised themselves into communities. While the former group shunned all human contacts, their medieval counterparts accepted, even wel comed, like-minded companions. Solitude for them did not exclude fellow religious, nor did it implicitly exclude all secular contacts. As their patron the Grandmontines adopted St John the Baptist rather than St Antony of Egypt. Even though they were explicitly forbidden to prac tise any form of active ministry they were nonetheless exhorted to preach by example. As the Rule of Grandmont points out, John the Baptist did not leave the desert even to

seek out Christ but waited patiently for Christ to come and find him. One of the more appealing and humane chapters in this otherwise uncompromising Rule concerns the wel come and hospitality to be afforded to guests. Further more, the Grandmontine churches were never as strictly enclosed as those of the Carthusians and Camaldolese; anyone wishing to join the brethren in their prayer was welcome to do so, at least in the early days of the order.

Of the numerous hermit groups which blossomed in the Middle Ages, only three managed to survive the centuries as independent religious orders. The Camaldolese in Italy, the Carthusians and Grandmontines in France. The latter French hermit groups were close contemporaries. Stephen of Muret commenced his life of solitude around 1076 and Bruno of Cologne, Founder of the Carthusians in 1084. A comparison between the two reveals the essential differ ence between the Carthusians, hermits in the more tradi tional sense, and the Grandmontines, religious hybrids who pursued their eremitical ideal within the framework of a regular life in community. For, if there was one require ment which the Grandmontines rated more highly than solitude, it was their need to live in conditions of extreme evangelical poverty and this explains why they adopted a widely differing life style from their contemporaries of the Chartreuse.

A Carthusian monastery or charterhouse is an exceed ingly expensive establishment both to build and maintain. Each monk occupies his own 'cell' which is, in fact, a completely individual house, often two storied and having its own private garden. All the usual conventual buildings: church, chapter house,and refectory, also have to be pro vided both for the formation of novices and for the pro fessed hermits who on Sundays and feastdays customarily meet together for a meal and recreation. Additionally, a fairly large number of lay brothers who are required to attend the monks have to be housed in a separate establish ment, the so-called 'lower house'. The Carthusian hermit

therefore enjoys the most perfect conditions for a life of reflection and prayer. He passes the major part of each day alone in his 'cell' and is left totally free both for prayer and intellectual pursuits. Manual work such as tending his garden or engaging in some craft is by way of relaxation, because all necessary domestic chores and heavy work are performed by the lay brothers.

By contrast, the Grandmontine hermit could expect little solitude apart from the community with whom, for rea sons of economy, he was expected to share his cell. Thus, a Grandmontine house came to be something of a cross between a large hermitage and a monastery in miniature and was referred to simply as a 'cell'. It was intended to house a maximum of thirteen; four or five contempla tives, the choir monks, and the remainder, lay brothers. Unlike the Carthusians, however, there was no juridical distinction between the contemplative choir monks known as the 'deres' and the lay brother 'convers'. Further expen diture was eliminated inasmuch as both groups worked and prayed together, shared the one choir, chapter house, refectory, and dorter. This communal dorter was actually divided by wainscotting into separate cubicles which critics of the Order were to condemn as a luxury. li a space approximately seven feet by five can be considered in any way luxurious, it is, however, worth noting that this was all that remained of the original hermits' huts at Muret.

Charterhouses generally consist of fine buildings sur rounded by a considerable acreage of land, efficiently ex ploited by the monks to gain produce both for their own domestic requirements and to augment their income by selling on the open market. The Grandmontines were absolutely forbidden to own lands outside the immediate enclosure of the cell which was simply a small forest clear ing. 'Woods are suitable places for monks to build their homes' states the Rule, and throughout their history they remained faithful to this tradition. They were thus depen dent for their livelihood on what amounted to no more

than a smallholding together with what they might or might not receive by way of alms. They were denied any form of fixed income. Whenever extra assistance was needed with building, maintenance, or agricultural tasks, the choir monks were expected to labour alongside the lay brethren and they were also expected to fulfil their share of the everyday chores. Hence, the hermit monk of Grand mont, unlike his Carthusian counterpart, had little time for study, and any recruits might expect plenty of hard toil but little compensation in the way of reading matter. Cer tainly, no great tradition of learning ever developed within the Order.

All the other groups of reformed religious of the period, even the Carthusians, retained the Rule of St Benedict as their chief source of reference and their own customs were derived from it. Only the Grandmontines deviated in their insistence that St Benedict's Rule along with those of St Augustine and St Basil represented simply cuttings from a single plant. The Gospel, maintained Stephen of Muret, is:

The one primary and fundamental Rule of Rules for our salvation and all others derive from it like springs from the one source. This is the Holy Gospel which was given by the Saviour to his apostles to be by them faithfully proclaimed to the whole world.2

It may well have been this steadfast, almost stubborn determination to adhere to the evangelical precepts of their founder which spared the Grandmontines the fate which in due course overtook other groups of contemporary reli gious. By the mid-twelfth century, the others had all been assimilated either by the Cistercians (Obazine, Dalon) or various of the congregations of regular canons (Esterps, Chalard, Artige, Benevent, and Aureil).

Just why monks turned hermits in the eleventh century and reverted to their cenobitic state in the twelfth is not easy to determine. One possible explanation lies in the personal appeal of the founders themselves; Robert of Arbrissel, Stephen of Obazine, and Robert of la Chaise

Dieu are illustrative of the many outstanding and charis matic religious leaders who arose at this time. Yet once the direct influence they exercised over their followers was removed, the only means of holding the group together lay in firm and competent legislation. Organisers of the calibre of Stephen Harding whose Carta Caritatis ensured the smooth and efficient government of the Cistercian Order, are few and far between and many deficient and in adequate attempts at organisation were doomed from the start.

A further and equally plausible explanation for the early demise of so many hermit groups lies in the realisation that success can in itself be a prelude to failure. Fifty or so years after their foundation, many of these communities had grown out of all proportion. The resultant problem was voiced by Hugues de Fouilloy, prior of the canons regular of St-Laurent-au-Bois: 'Our troubles increase in proportion with the numbers of religious. So large a number require many goods, and many goods not only cause strife be tween religious and seculars, but also among the religious themselves ... What used to be freely given now has to be bought, and property that was once peacefully owned can now be held only by means of a law suit'.3 A limited number of hermits settling in a neighbourhood might be welcome-even considered an asset-but a large ·commu nity seeking a livelihood in a country area of limited means and resources might represent a major problem. In times of hardship, as when the harvest failed, such communities could inflict a heavy additional burden on the local in habitants.

The Rule of Grandmont expressly forbade ownership of lands and properties outside the immediate limits of the enclosure. Although the brothers were permitted to accept the gift of a piece of land on which to build, if the donor or his heir subsequently refuted such a gift they were in structed to relinquish it peacefully and without argument. Recourse to law was absolutely denied them, as was the

holding of title deeds which might help them to plead their case.4 Deprived of any stable and permanent means of livelihood, the monks of Grandmont were often depen dent on alms and thus led a very insecure existence. In the early days of the Order when the brothers were few in number, the problems outlined above by the prior of St Laurent-au-Bois could not have affected them. The first hint of any parallel weakness can be identified in the far sighted judgement of Hugues Lacerta. Hugues had spent his youth as a soldier fighting in the first crusade. He joined Stephen at Muret in 1111, choosing to serve as a lay brother, and it is therefore possible that he was primarily responsible for material administration at Muret during the lifetime of the founder. On his death bed in 1157, thirty three years after the death of the founder, whose friend and confidant he had been, he expressed his concern at both the increase in monks and in establishments and implored the brothers to impose a restriction on the recep tion of novices.5 Obviously, the expansion of the Order beyond the limits of the Limousin and the immediate juris diction of the prior of Grandmont seemed to Hugues in compatible with the primitive spirit of the hermits who had shared the solitude of Stephen at Muret. Unfortunately, his advice went unheeded and the Grandmontines only avoided the fate which overtook similar religious groups by mitigating and altering their constitutions time and time again. By the fourteenth century, these changes had ren dered their communities almost indistinguishable from those of benedictine monks or even canons regular. Sadly, much of the original and distinctive grandmontine charac ter was sacrificed in the process.

At least during the first century of their existence, the hermit monks of Grandmont held fast to the fundamental ideals of evangelical poverty and simplicity which distin guished their Order. John of Salisbury writing at the time tells us that they had nothing whatsover in common with the mainstream religious orders which followed the Rules

of either St Benedict or St Augustine. Instead they ac knowledged just one master, Our Lord Jesus Christ, and followed one Rule, the Gospel.6 If in the years that fol lowed, their customs and practices began to resemble those of the Benedictines and Augustinians, at least some thing of their primitive spirit continued to be reflected in their architecture. The very considerable visible evidence which survives demonstrates clearly that in the course of nearly seven centuries only very limited attempts were made to extend, remodel, or embellish their churches. Not far from the grandmontine cell of Craswall in Here fordshire is the cisterican church of Dore Abbey. One has only to glance at its magnificent ambulatory to be aware how far and in what a comparatively short space of time the Cistercians had departed from the aesthetic ideals of St Bernard. By contrast, all of the grandmontine churches which have survived have retained their basic, simple ground plan. Even the later, thirteenth-century examples were built in accordance with the romanesque blueprint which was never superseded. A seventeenth-century plan of the priory of Boulogne, in the departement of Loir and Cher, reveals a rather splendid formal garden laid out behind a remodelled west range which was redesigned to house the commendatory prior. When compared, how ever, with the palatial and sumptuous refurbishing of the west ranges of various french cistercian abbeys for the same purpose, Boulogne appears remarkably unosten tatious.

The Order of Grandmont has been styled: 'that ill fated order' but it is debatable to what extent its fortunes proved more unfortunate than some of the better-recorded re ligious Orders. The major internal crisis involved the notorious lay brother revolt; yet others, including the Cis tercians, suffered similar uprisings on the part of their lay brethren; the one which disrupted the Gilbertines was equally bitter albeit of shorter duration. Another form of schism occurred early in the Order's history and was pro-

voked by the struggle for supremacy between the mother house at Grandmont, within Plantagenet territory, and Bois de Vincennes, in the Ile de France, ruled by the Capetian monarchy. The division of the Order into Fratres Gallici and Fratres Anglici, and the scandal their squabbling for domination provoked, was equally not peculiar to the Grandmontines. Few religious orders have avoided some measure of internal strife and partitioning in the course of their histories. The Cistercians became involved in a partic ularly dramatic thirteenth-century scandal when feuding broke out between Oteaux and Clairvaux, two of the proto-abbeys of the Order.

Problems external to the Order included the sufferings

inflicted by the Hundred Years' War and later, the Wars of Religion, but again these particular troubles were by no means unique to the Grandmontines. Most of the monas teries of France suffered to a greater or lesser degree in times of war. Under the commendatory system, that other great scourge of monasticism, the Grandmontines fared somewhat better than most. No doubt partially because of the smallness of their houses, they were spared much of the misery which unscrupulous holders of commendatory titles inflicted on the greater abbeys of France. In fact, the mother house itself actually prospered under its third com mendatory abbot, Cardinal William Bri.;onnet who contrib uted a great deal towards the restoration of the abbey and its church.

For as long as the Order of Grandmont retained its initial fervour and remained true to the ideals of its saintly Foun der, it prospered. By the mid-twelfth century it numbered 1,200 monks, excluding the even more numerous lay breth ren. It may be counted as unfortunate that this boom period was so short lived. The lay brother crisis which broke out in 1185 was without doubt responsible for an ensuing decline in numbers. The unfortunate outcome of the dispute itself was the reconstitution of the Order by Pope John xxn in 1317, and a consequent loss of identity.

An initially successful attempt by Dom Charles Fremon in the seventeenth century to reform the Order and re establish the primitive observance of the Rule had an ex ceedingly unfortunate outcome in that it split the Order into two branches, the traditional and the observant. Such a division cannot in itself be termed unfortunate, and numerous other Orders of religious have split into separate branches in the course of their histories without any lasting ill effects. Within the Franciscan Order in particular, the Friars Conventual became independent of the mainstream group as early as the thirteenth century and a second reforming group, the Observants, emerged in the fif teenth. These and many subsequent franciscan congrega tions flourished and remain much in evidence throughout the world today. The unfortunate aspect of the grandmon tine division was that it occurred at a time when numbers within the Order were declining and recruitment was low. Neither group had sufficient strength of numbers to satisfy the commission for religious reform in the following cen tury, so Dom Fremon's well-intentioned efforts unwit tingly hastened the demise of the Order. In1772 the mother house of Grandmont was suppressed.

INTRODUCTION - NOTES

Rule of St Benedict for Monasteries, tr. Dom B.B. Bolton (London: Ealing Abbey, 1969) ch.1, p. 7

RG Prologue, ed. Bee: SOG p. 66

H. Peltier, 'Hugues de Fouilloy chanoine regulier, prieur de Saint Laurent-au-Bois', Revue du moyen age latin11(1946) 32.

RG, ed. Bee SOG. For ownership of lands see ch. IV, p. 71; on returning gifts and properties to the heirs of donors, see ch. xxm p. 80, on prohibitions against holding title deeds to properties and against having recourse to law, chs. XXIV and XXXI, pp. 82,94.

PL 204: 1216: 'Nova nemora, fratresque novitios super omnia plus necere. Posse timeo et sentio.'

Policraticus: Johannis Sarisberiensis, ed. C.C.J. Webb (Oxford: 1909) 2: 204- 06. 'Alli Basilium, alii Benedictum, alii Augustinum, isti singu larem magistrum habent Dominum Jesum Christum.'

SAINT STEPHEN OF MURET

A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS

THE LIFE OF ST STEPHEN of Muret is clouded with uncertainties. It is difficult to unravel the facts from the various accounts which are mainly dependent on hearsay or derive from pious biographies. Even the Life of St Stephen of Muret attributed by its first editor, Dom Martene, to Gerard lthier, seventh prior of Grandmont (1188-1196), is regarded as highly suspect by current historians.1 In fact, it has recently been shown that Gerard merely added a few details to a preexisting Life distin guished from his own work by the title Vita A. 2 The addi tional details take the form of edifying anecdotes together with some accounts of posthumous miracles attributed to Stephen. It is worth noting that Gerard was the prior responsible for submitting the cause for Stephen's can onisation to Pope Clement III in 1188, shortly after his election to the priorate. A priest and accompanying lay brother were dispatched to Rome with letters from the General Chapter supported by testimonials from King Henry n of England as well as several high ranking eccle siastics.3 Meanwhile, it is recorded in the Annals of the order that the brethren prayed unceasingly to invoke Step hen's aid and numerous miracles were reported and attrib uted to his intercession. They include: recoveries from various crippling ailments, restoration of sight, a couple of

resuscitations and the cure of a young boy suffering from possession. 4 The following year, 1189, the pope granted the request and sent a delegate to represent him at the cere mony held on 30 August at Grandmont.5

Vita A itself dates in all likelihood from the time of Stephen Liciac, fourth prior of Grandmont (1139-1163) under whose direction the Liber Sententiarum,6 the Thoughts of Stephen, were compiled and the Rule deriving from them was formulated. The writings which emerged at this time were wholly dependent upon the testimony of the early brethren who had known Stephen personally, nota bly the chevalier Hugues Lacerta, who joined the little community at Muret as a lay brother and became Step hen's closest disciple and friend.

The traditional date for the birth of Stephen is 1045, although some authors give 1044. His father was Stephen, Viscount of Thiers, his mother is known to us simply as Candide. Various of the biographies contain lengthy de tails of the exceptional piety of his parents, culminating in an anecdote which recalls the circumstances surrounding the birth of St John the Baptist. This prophet, recognised as the patron saint of hermits, was held in particular venera tion by the hermit monks of Grandmont, so it is not sur prising that the Grandmontine biographers had recourse to a legitimate technique employed by hagiographers of the period and provided a suitable parallel between their saintly founder and his scriptural inspiration. In company with the parents of the Baptist, Stephen and Candide were elderly and still unblessed by children despite a lifetime of prayer. In desperation they vowed that if God would heed their supplications they would dedicate the child to his service. Their prayers were at last rewarded and Can dide lived to bear three sons. Stephen was the first born, the second was destined to continue the line of the vis counts of Thiers, while the youngest became, in due course, Lord of Montpensier, founder of the family of counts of Chalon which much later became interrelated with the Bourbon dynasty.

That the child of elderly parents noted for their excep tional piety should have received an extremely religious upbringing is only to be expected. The highly coloured accounts of the young Stephen's precocity for prayer, con templation.and mortification while written, no doubt,with the best of intentions, fail utterly however, to build a convincing portrait of a man of outstanding character, whose spirituality and humility were coupled with an im mense ability for spiritual influence and leadership. Ste phen's pious boyhood, combined with the harshness of the Rule which he inspired, do little to endear him to the world at large. Small wonder he has never received much attention as a cult figure outside the·Order of Grandmont and the limits of the Limousin.

It is in the Liber Sententiarum rather than in the early and unsubstantiated biographies, that something of the real nature of this very striking character begins hazily to emerge. The work is an anthology of the ideas and teach ings of the saint recalled by those disciples who shared his solitude at Muret. Most notable among them was the fa voured disciple, Hugues Lacerta, whose name is the only one recorded in the prologue to the Rule. The work com prises one hundred and twenty-two chapters of varying length. Its format was almost certainly determined in the course of a general chapter held at Grandmont around 1156 under the direction of the fourth prior, Stephen Liciac. The essential message [summarised in the statement: 'There is no rule but the Gospel'] was basically an insistence on the fundamental christian message coupled with Stephen's personal conviction that the simple teachings of Christ should not be cluttered with complicated legislation and elaborate liturgical practices. In the twelfth century at least, this rendered the hermits of Grandmont celebrated and admired throughout Christendom. That Stephen himself represented the true driving force behind this distinctive religious enterprise is borne out by the numerous tributes paid to him by contemporary writers no less than the later annalists of the Order.

The first verifiable error to emerge from the various accounts of Stephen's early years concerns a pilgrimage he made with his father to the shrine of St Nicholas at Bari. Throughout the twelfth century, as the authors of the account must have been aware, this shrine flourished as a popular centre of pilgrimage. Nevertheless, it cannot have constituted the spiritual goal for the Viscount of Thiers and his young son midway in the previous century, for the relics of the saint of Myra, in Lyda, were not translated to the Adriatic seaport of Bari until1087. By that time Stephen was over thirty years of age and already well established as a hermit in the wilderness of Muret. The destination of the pilgrims was in all probability the sanctuary of San Michele on Monte Gargano, a shrine which from the mid-tenth century ranked almost as highly as Santiago de Compostella as a popular centre for pilgrimage. The main route from the north to Monte Gargano would have per mitted the pilgrims to include excursions to both Rome and the monastery of St Benedict at Monte Cassino in their itinerary.

Unfortunately, none of the accounts of the journey given inVita A and elaborated upon by later writers, stands up to close scrutiny. Not only does the author appear altogether vague concerning the chronology of Stephen's youth; the only precise date he gives is 1076, the year Stephen em braced the religious life at Muret at the age of thirty. And yet, he is supposed to have undertaken a pilgrimage to Italy at the age of twelve (approximately between the years 1056-59) to a shrine which was not established until over thirty years later. Then, it appears that he fell ill in the city of Benevento and was left by his father in the care of Archbishop Milon who, it transpires, was not appointed to this city until 1074.

Happily Archbishop Milon of Benevento, about whose career the author of Vita-A appears singularly uninformed, is a fairly well-documented eleventh-century cleric. This is mainly attributable to his close association with the great

reforming pope, Gregory VII, who was responsible for his appointment to the diocese of Benevento. However, his term of office there proved remarkably short; it is known from a chronicle that he was consecrated in 1074 and died the following year. One of his acts dated 1074-5 remains and his successor makes mention of it as early as1076.7 The previous history of Milon is also known to us through a piece inserted in the cartulary of the monastery of St Flo rent de Saumur. This refers to his appointment as a dean in Paris, when he mediated with Gregory VII to honour his promise and confirm the foundation charter of the priory of St Florent of Dol in Brittany.8

Following his recovery from the severe illness which detained him in Benevento, Stephen did not, it seems, return directly to France. The Lives tell us that he remained an incredible twelve years in the care of Archbishop Milon, attended the schools of the city and was carefully prepared for the priesthood. As we have seen, whoever was respon sible for Stephen's welfare and education at this time, it certainly was not Milon. When, where and by whom he was in due course ordained deacon cannot be ascertained, though once again the early chroniclers are adamant that Milon was the prelate responsible. The tradition that Step hen was in deacon's orders is very strong, as is the belief that he refused the priesthood itself for reasons of humil ity. This, together with the account of the circumstances surrounding Stephen's birth is something of an hagio graphical cliche. The same has been said of other saints, notably Francis of Assisi. While there is no concrete evi dence to support Stephen's very lengthy sojourn in Italy, it seems unlikely that his close companions would have been mistaken in their accounts of such a major episode in the life of their founder. These disciples, we are told in the prologue to the Rule, conversed frequently with the Master and it would seem only natural that in the course of such conversations Stephen told them something of his youth, his travels,and people he had known, particularly those

32 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

who had impressed or edified him. When, following the passage of years, these witnesses, now elderly men, at tempted to recall the details of such conversations, it is equally likely that they became confused and at variance over specific details. It is always possible that Stephen met Archbishop Milon, who was a well-travelled churchman, in either France or Italy, or in both. Certainly, the fervour with which Milon implemented the reforming policies of Gregory VII, his insistence on clerical celibacy and his en couragement of dedicated religious communities, would have appealed to Stephen and may well have provided subjects for his own spiritual discourses. It is just possible that Milon was also responsible for ordaining Stephen a deacon, although he is unlikely to have served as arch deacon of the diocese of Benevento as the biographers would have us believe.

An interesting local tradition has emerged concerning Stephen's diaconate. In the parish church of the little town of Ambazac near Grandmont, a dalmatic of reddish gold silk is carefully preserved. According to a fifteenth-century inventory of the Abbey of Grandmont, this vestment was presented to Stephen by the Empress Matilda. The fourth prior, Stephen Liciac was the more likely recipient of this gift, for Matilda remained the wife of the Emperor Henry v until well after Stephen's death in 1124 and arrived in France to wed Geoffrey, Count of Anjou, only in1128.

At some stage in his career, Stephen became acquainted with a group of Calabrian hermits whose austerity and customs were to constitute his main source of inspiration. Although we are once again dependent on the verbal testi mony of the brethren for this particular encounter, it seems plausible enough and the early sources refer to it con stantly. The Annals record Stephen, almost at death's door, outlining his way of life for the benefit of two visiting cardinals and lauding the poverty and detachment of the fratres in Calabria who, he says influenced his own ideas on the religious life.9 That the brethren were so impressed by

these particular words must indicate that they repeatedly heard the Master use them. Certainly it would appear only natural for Stephen to refer frequently in his discourses to the hermits who represented his chief inspiration. Arch bishop Milton's name occurs again in the Vita in connec tion with these hermits who actually dwelt within his diocese. There is no reason why he should not have been responsible for introducing Stephen to a group of religious whom he particularly admired, but if this was the case, the author of Vita A has totally confused the chronology.

The description of the Calabrian hermits given in the Annals corresponds closely to those found in a wide vari ety of documents which describe the groups of religious whose activities had extended to the regions of Campania and Calabria by the close of the eleventh century. The practices and usages which Stephen purportedly derived from them were by no means exclusive to Southern Italy, however. They are found in many other regions as well. Within the Limousin itself, St Gaucher, founder of the monastery at Aureil, was just one of the numerous revival ists of the eremitical life who organised his followers along similar lines. Here also the hermits were originally accom modated in rustic huts sited around a simple oratory in which the brethren gathered to recite the canonical hours. A communal refectory in which a meatless and frugal diet was served, the daily chapter of faults and the use of corporal punishment are all practices that may have in fluenced Stephen, but they are also part and parcel of the eremitical practices which figure in hagiographies of the period.

Nevertheless, various attempts have been made to iden tify the particular group of Calabrian hermits who re putedly wielded such a great influence over Stephen. Dom Mabillon, the seventeenth-century monastic historian con sidered them to be quite simply Benedictines,10 but in more recent times, it has been proposed that they were either hermits of Fonte Avellana or Camaldoli. It would seem

more likely, however, that if Stephen was influenced by any specific Calabrian hermits, they would have been the Graeco-Calabrians who followed the Rule of St Basil. They had several well-established communities within a region where the Camaldolese were only just beginning to settle and the monks of Fonte Avellana had not yet arrived. The lives and activities of the basilean monks of the period has received considerable treatment,u but the problem of actu ally identifying the tenth-and eleventh-century monastic establishments in Southern Italy is complicated by the fact that in time they were all superseded principally by the Benedictines and, to a lesser extent, the Cistercians and Carthusians. Thus their early history became inextricably bound up with later developments.

Whatever religious influences may have contributed to the fundamental shaping of Stephen's personal vocation, his later thoughts on the religious life have a distinctly eclectic flavour. The Prologue to the Rule of Grandmont states categorically that the text reflects the opinions held by the Master himself and that he was familiar with all forms of the religious life. During his counselling sessions we are told that he would sometimes dwell upon the diversity of the religious orders which he likened to 'shoots from the one vine', 'streams from the one source'. He further instructed the brothers that should anyone inquire to which Order they belonged or which rule they followed, they should reply that they were Christians observing the Rule of the Gospel which is the root of all rules.12

Following the death of Archbishop Milon, Stephen is supposed to have resided four years in Rome in the house hold of a cardinal whose name receives no mention. It is highly unlikely that Stephen spent any length of time in Rome after 1076, the year of Milon's death and almost certainly the year of his own departure for Muret. In fact, any time spent in Rome is more likely to have been during, rather than after, the lifetin;te of Milon. The biographers have again embroidered their accounts of the sojourn in

the Holy City, maintaining that Stephen held a responsible clerical position. Once again they omit to give any conclu sive details and concentrate instead on his ever increasing determination to substitute the splendours of high ranking ecclesiastical living for the hermit's cell. One motive for asserting that Stephen was employed for a time within papal circles may have been to lend respectability to a bull which authorised him to found a religious order. This bull, purported to have been given by Pope Gregory VII, is dated 1074. It was, in fact, forged late in the history of the Order.13 Vita A mentions the papal authorisation but not the name of the actual pope involved and only much later accounts stipulate that it was Gregory VII, adding that Stephen had petitioned to found an Order in accordance with the Rule of St Benedict.

A serious and very damaging controversy arising from the spurious evidence of this bull developed as late as the seventeenth century and was centred around whether the Grandmontines formed a branch of the Benedictines, the Augustinians, or the Carthusians.14 More essentially, were the religious of Grandmont intended to live as monks, canons regular, or hermits? The result was that the Grand montines suffered a crisis of identity which can only have been aggravated by the opinions expressed by outsiders. Dom Levesque recalls in the Annals of the Order how in various documents issued by the roman Curia, Grandmont was at times referred to as an offshoot of the Benedictines and at others, a branch of the Augustinians.15 The great benedictine historian, Dom Jean Mabillon (1632-1700), was among those who took up the dispute and drew attention to the differences between his own Order and that of Grandmont. He concluded that in accordance with the teaching of their founder, the Grandmontines recognised no other rule but that of Our Lord Jesus Christ.16 The evidence for classing the Grandmontines as canons regular of St Augustine Was especially tenuous and based itself on the trivial factor that the religious of the 'common obser-

vance' wore surplices and birettas, the customary choir dress of regular canons. Although the reformed group had reverted to wearing the habit in choir, the tradition of the surplice was very ancient indeed. Gerard Ithier, seventh prior of Grandmont (1189-1198), states distinctly in his work, The Mirror of Grandmont: 'in choir all wear sur plices'.17 After a great deal of turmoil, the matter was resolved and an entry in the Annals states decisively that the Order of Grandmont is to be regarded as a distinctive order which, while originally intended to be eremitical, in the course of time adapted to coenobitism. Hence for the future, the Order should be regarded as a combination of both forms.18

Whatever the arguments about identity which disturbed the Order in later times, one thing is certain: Stephen's own vocation led him straight to the hermitage. The var ious sources have it that this vocation developed and ma tured during his stay in the Holy City and that from there he returned to France to settle his affairs and bid farewell to his parents prior to embarking on the life of a solitary. From Thiers in the Auvergne he travelled to the Limousin and is supposed to have stayed for a while at Aureil, just a few miles to the south-east of Limoges. To this spot St Gaucher, another famous hermit, had attracted a fair sized contingent of followers who lived according to the Rule of St Augustine in the monastery of St Jean d' Aureil. Unfor tunately, Gaucher built another monastery just a few leagues away and intended to receive the women who, no less than the men, were moved by his example and instruc tion to a life of prayer and penitence. This development reputedly proved too much for Stephen who, if we are to believe his biographers, suffered from a particularly viru lent form of misogyny and so he took leave of Gaucher. In fact, the entire story is pure invention because Gaucher, who hailed from Normandy, arrived at Aureil only in1078, when he would still have been a mere youth of eighteen.19 The truth would appear to have been far more simple.

Stephen knew a great deal about the various forms of religious life prevalent at the time; this much is explicit in his 'Thoughts'. Such knowledge can only have been gained by personal observation; if not at Aureil, then certainly in other monasteries where he would have stayed in the course of his travels. In a period which experienced more than its fair share of monastic turmoil and upheaval, Stephen was not exceptional in his conclusion that a thirst for solitude, silence, and austerity could only be satiated outside the traditional monastic structure, alone in a her mitage.

As regards the suggestion that Stephen fostered a partic ular antipathy towards the female sex, there is no evidence in his own 'Thoughts' to support such an assertion. Anti feminist sentiments bordering on the fanatic can, however, be traced to the fourth prior, Stephen Liciac. He was in all likelihood responsible for the hysterical tirade which con stitutes chapter thirty-nine of the Rule and which sets forth the reasons why women were excluded from the Order.

We forbid you absolutely to receive women into this religious life. If a woman succeeded in tempting the first man from the delights of paradise, who else could be capable of resisting her wiles? If gentle David, wise Solomon,and strong Samson were all captivated by the snares of women, who could fail to surrender to her caresses? In the devil's absence, is it not she who tempts men?

The date for Stephen's entry into the 'desert' at Muret varies somewhat, but it was almost certainly sometime between 1076-1078. Dom Jean Becquet considers it to be closer to the latter20 and, this being correct, it would have afforded him time to visit Archbishop Milon in Italy imme diately beforehand. Once they have him established at Muret, a site on a wooded hillside not far from the town of Ambazac, the biographies became dependent upon Step hen's original followers for information on his lifestyle and practices, and allowing for the odd exaggeration, there

38 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

seems little reason to doubt their accuracy. In fact, his way of life was in essence very similar to that of numerous other hermits of the time. He built himself a simple wattle dwell ing and wore the same clothes in winter and in summer. The celebrated and bizarre costume illustrated by Pere Helyot, and subsequently by J.C. Bar, has done little for Stephen's image and, in any case cannot be regarded as truly illustrative of his attire. The chain mail is probably authentic. It is referred to in all the Lives and according to Frere Philippe-Etienne the wearing of chain mail against the body in lieu of a hair shirt was an accepted form of austerity and customary among the Camaldolese.21 What is exceptional is the excess of zeal which moved the eighteenth-century illustrator to deny his subject the coarse woollen tunic which would have covered the peni tential garment.

Traditional costume ascribed to St Stephen by the eighteenth cen tury illustrator Jacques Charles Bar.

A similar enthusiasm for self denial bordering on the eccen tric pervades the early account of the diet. Frugal it may have been, but it seems unlikely that Stephen attained the age of eighty living exclusively off nuts, berries and the odd 'floury dumplings'. He slept on bare boards and his days were passed in meditation and in re citing the traditional monastic hours to which he added the three separate offices of the Blessed Virgin and the Holy Trinity and the Dead. The refer ence in the Life to these offices ex devotio is somewhat strange,

however, for there is no mention of them either in the Rule or in the 'Thoughts' of the saint. Moreover, the Blessed Virgin is nowhere singled out for any particular honour or

devotion. Stephen, we are told, was wont to recite all these prayers bent forward on his knees so that his forehead constantly touched the ground, a practice which resulted in his nose becoming permanently twisted while his fore head became severely calloused! For the first year or so he was left to himself but gradually, as his reputation for holiness spread abroad, he was joined by others who de sired to dedicate their lives to God in solitude and poverty. Many years later these early disciples would testify that they received from Stephen 'all the loving care of a true father.'22 In their accounts of Stephen's relationship with his spiritual sons, the style of the biographies softens and we begin to glean some understanding of the true character of this very exceptional man. There is always a tendency among the writers of saintly lives to ascribe to their subjects a kind of misplaced heroism. This is manifested in vivid descriptions of their capacity to endure physical hardships and their constant and merciless chastisement of the flesh with flails, thorns, and hairshirts. To whatever extent Step hen may have adopted the accepted practices and pen ances common to the religious of his time, his conversations with his disciples reveal a man of integrity and moderation, understanding and tolerant of human weakness who, we are told, never imposed tasks which were too demanding or taxing of human endurance. Cer tain of the instructions which eventually formed the basis of the Rule of Grandmont are, in a modem sense, undenia bly harsh; but no more so than the Gospel Rule of Christ on which they are based. Stephen demanded of his followers no more and no less than Christ himself asked of the 'rich young man'. The conditions of acceptance into the brother hood of Christ are clear, precise,and allow for no half measures.

One of the major fascinations of the Order of Grandmont lies in its retaining its particular identity for so long after its foundation, an achievement which can only be attributed to the enduring charismatic attraction of the founder him-

self. Even following the mitigations of the fourteenth cen tury, when the Order became to all intents and purposes indistinguishable from any of the religious congregations living according to the benedictine or, augustinian Rule, something of the founding spirit of Stephen prevailed. Desmond Seward has written:

Devotion to the founder plays a large part in the life of all orders, but the cult of St. Stephen was the driving force throughout Grandmontine history.23

Certainly, the example and inspiration which the first Fathers of Grandmont derived from Stephen in the wilder ness of Muret proved sufficient to perpetuate the life of the Order so that it avoided the fate of other hermit groups which evolved in the eleventh century only to vanish with out trace in the twelfth.

While the 'Thoughts' attributed to Stephen reveal the depth of his spiritual insight, they are not sufficient to account for his outstanding spiritual attraction for others, although they do provide evidence of the paternal care which he afforded his spiritual sons. It is the Prologue to the Rule which immortalises his caring nature:

It was as a father of a family that he dedicated his time to counselling others ... he drew daily from his treas ury of riches those jewels whose worth he had himself proved by means of long and pious perseverance, so that by his own example his disciples should become not hearers alone, but doers.

Of course the holding of religious conferences as a method of training aspiring hermits was by no means exclusive to Stephen. He must have been aware that he was pursuing a tradition originated by the Desert Fathers. John Cassian was just one of the young hermits who, in the late fourth century, made the rounds of the venerable elders in order to learn from their wisdom and experience. Whilst this practice was ordered by the Rule of St Pachomius (286-346), it was Cassian who introduced it

into Southern Gaul when, at the request of Castor, Bishop of Apt, he wrote the series of twenty four Conferences which, together with his Institutes provided the basic spiri tuality for western monks. Throughout the Middle Ages monasteries retained copies of the Conferences from which sections were read aloud at appointed times and both Stephen and the actual compilers of his 'Thoughts' and Rule must have been familiar with the work. Certainly the two basic grandmontine texts reveal some striking sim ilarities to it. Probably the most remarkable resemblance can be identified in Stephen's division of the brethren into contemplatives and workers, two separate but interdepen dent vocations which are exemplified by the sisters in the Gospel. When Martha, overburdened with work scolded Mary for her laziness, Christ rebuked her for not accepting that Mary had chosen the better part. Cassian comments 'The Lord, you see, placed the chief good in divine contem plation.'24 The Rule of Grandmont states: 'The better part which the Lord praised so highly in Mary, we impose upon the deres alone.' But the first Fathers of Grandmont went on to ratify this same gospel precedent by reference to Acts 6:44, as follows:

It is not reasonable that they should leave the word of God to serve at tables. Besides, vowed as they are exclusively to prayer and contemplation, they will become the dispensers of spiritual realities.25

If an attempt to isolate some element of the outstanding spiritual example and leadership which must have distin guished Stephen's career at Muret proves decidedly un fruitful, the additional effort to uncover some evidence of basic practical organisation among the primitive hermit group is even less rewarding. When, following a period of total isolation, Stephen began to be joined by others, the sum of his administrative effort appears to have consisted in allocating them huts grouped around a simple oratory. Presumably, the strange grandmontine custom of leaving all practical management and, significantly, all financial

responsibility in the hands of the lay brethren had its origins at Muret, for we do know that Hugues Lacerta, Stephen's closest disciple, chose this status for himself. The peculiarity of this custom, which is without parallel in any other religious order, lies in the fact that the position of the lay brothers or convers as they came to be known, was in every respect equal to that of the choir.brothers or clercs. Not only did they share the same quarters, but when their duties permitted, they joined in the daily celebration of the offices in choir. Perhaps the most significant aspect of what can only be described as a rare, if not entirely unique, manifestation of medieval democracy lies in the fact that the grandmontine lay brethren enjoyed the same juridical status as their contemplative confreres. At chapter meet ings their opinions carried equal weight and they exercised the right to vote. They might even be called upon to represent their respective houses at the annual general chapters held at the mother house. In Stephen's own lifetime, of course, chapters would have been little more than family discussions and the original settlement at Muret would hardly have boasted a choir proper. The oratory, a word which was retained to describe the exceed ingly austere grandmontine churches for several genera tions, consisted in the very simplest of stone structures modelled, according to Adrien Grezillier, on the primitive rural churches prevalent in the region at that time.26 The daily round at Muret would seem to have been conducted in accordance with the usual monastic horarium with the brethren coming together at set hours of the day and night for the celebration of the Divine Office. When the original community began to outgrow the rustic accommodation available, Stephen solved the problem by swarming. Groups of trained hermits were dispatched to found new settlements, but all within the immediate vicinity. Such settlements were known as 'cells', a distinctly eremitical part of the grandmontine nomenclature which was re tained until many of the houses were upgraded to priories as part of the reconstitution of the Order in1317.

Judging from the lack of archaeological evidence on the sites of cells which tradition states were founded within Stephen's lifetime they must have represented the most primitive and basic of settlements. They were in all proba bility modelled on the primitive 'laurae' of the Desert Fathers and Stephen may have personally encountered similar arrangements in Calabria. 'Our Calabrian breth ren', he said, 'serve God without either property or pos sessions.'27 The Franciscan historian, Father Gratien, has likened his intransigence on this point to St Francis of Assisi, whose repudiation of worldly goods and property afforded no compromise.28 For Stephen, however, poverty was coupled with solitude. The fundamental notion ex pressed in his 'Thoughts', and later made explicit in the Rule, was that the hermits were to embrace poverty in solitude and become as though dead to the world. Where better to find a suitably lonely site than in the densely forested hillsides of the Limousin?

What we know of the hermitage at Muret is dependent on the annalists and it is not therefore possible to separate its appearance in the lifetime of Stephen from subsequent developments. Shortly after Stephen's death in 1124, the Benedictines of Ambazac laid claim to the land on which it stood and the brethren were forced to relinquish it. They were, however, able to return and build anew at a later date, almost certainly during the term of office of Stephen Liciac. The site itself would certainly appear to have ac corded completely with Stephen's ideal of the 'desert'. It remains quite isolated even to this day; in the eleventh century it would have been exceedingly wild and remote. The Annals describe the oratory as having incorporated the typical semicircular grandmontine apse but unusually sited to the north-west rather than the east and with the living quarters located to the south. This does not, how ever, describe the 'cell' in which Stephen actually lived and died, and which has been identified to the south of the later monastic buildings. It stood on a sort of rocky terrace at the

far end of a little valley surrounded by trees. A few mark ings in the form of small holes and depressions in the rocky surface can be discerned and these constitute the only trace of the buildings of the original cell. The foundations of the later oratory show it to have been approximately five by three metres. While these foundations date only from the thirteenth century, their extreme smallness at this late date in the architectural history of the Order indicate that they do correspond to the original 'quilding.

If little is known concerning the precise location and appearance of the original cell at Muret, even less is known of the others which were contemporary with it and which by tradition owe their foundation to Stephen himself. The fact that these earliest cells have proved difficult both to locate and to date can be attributed to the very nature of the life pursued within them, which dictated that they should be both small and insignificant. One thing which it is possible to determine is the uniform appearance of the sites which they occupied. Traditionally, the Grandmontines have always regarded three cells as contemporary with Stephen and all three are located fairly close to Muret itself. Boisverd, which has retained just a few identifying stones, was constructed on a plateau overlooking the river Vienne. Cha.tenet, which is somewhat less characteristic as regards siting, has a late south range which includes a fine twin compartmented servery together with some earlier ves tiges of what may or may not .be the original cell. At Cluseau, the third example, sections of the foundations of the cloister are evident together with an artificial mound which almost certainly conceals the foundations of the apse. Additionally we may include Plaine which, if not founded within the actual lifetime of Stephen certainly emerged a very short while after his death. Situated within the commune of Savigniac in the Dordogne, its location is similar to that of Boisverd. This particular cell was ruled by the lay brother Hugues Lacerta and so takes on a very special significance in the early history of the Order. Sadly,

the form of the original buildings is almost impossible to determine as they have been completely obscured by seventeenth-century buildings.

Towards the close of a long life, Stephen appears to have acquired a certain notoriety. Within the immediate vicinity of Muret he and his followers were already known by the familiar title of 'Bonshommes', a name which was to distin guish them throughout their long history. This was attribu table to their reputation for sharing everything they had with the local poor whom they encouraged to visit and whom they treated with exceptional solicitude and gener osity.29 The Grandmontines have always been recognised for their courteous and kind treatment of visitors. While it is extremely unlikely that Stephen's holiness and wisdom became, within his lifetime at any rate, as celebrated among the various courts of Europe as his biographers would have us believe, yet his fame did reach beyond the limits of the Limousin and eventually attracted two very important visitors to his retreat at Muret.

It was during the last days of his life that Stephen re ceived the two apostolic delegates, Cardinals Gregorio Papareschi and Pietro Leone. These two primates, who were on their way from Rome to attend the Council of Chartres (1124), are well known from contemporary sources and they became Pope Innocent II and the anti pope, Anacletus II. In the course of the quarrel and fighting over the papacy, Innocent was forced to flee to France and it is said that he took refuge for a while with the brethren who, by this time, had transferred from Muret to Grand mont. Unfortunately, we have too little information about this remarkable encounter; the biographies provide only superficial details except for Stephen's own reference to his acquaintance with 'the learned and holy doctor Arch bishop Milon'. The cardinals, for their part, seem to have been eager to learn something of the religious life em braced by Stephen and his associates and especially whether they considered themselves to be canons, monks,

or hermits. According to the Annals, Stephen informed them that this group belonged in none of these categories. Having drawn their attention to the fact that the brethren were clad neither in the manner of monks nor of canons, he pointed out that canons, in accordance both with their customs and the tradition of the apostles, exercise the power to bind and loose. Monks are concerned with no body's spiritual welfare save their own, while hermits are required to remain in their cells and dedicate the whole of their time to God in silent worship and contemplation.30

The two dignitaries, who must have been suffering ago nies of cold and deprivation in so remote and comfortless an establishment, appear, nonetheless, to have been im pressed by this somewhat negative response. Possibly they discerned in it something of a genuine Christlike humility which was not always so apparent in the religious houses they normally frequented. At any rate they gave Stephen their blessing and observed: 'Man of God, if you persevere in this way your reward will be equal to that of the saints, apostles and martyrs for you are surely following in their footsteps'.31 Hugues Lacerta is reputed to have been pre sent at this interview and if he was he can no doubt be relied upon to have reported it as accurately as his memory would allow. While it could be argued that the entire interchange was invented by later annalists intent on gain ing respectability for the Order of Grandmont as a unique religious institute, Ordo peculiaris, the sentiments are very much in tune with Stephen's essential and oft-repeated message, 'There is no rule save the Commandments of Almighty God. Whoever observes these is a religious in the true sense but whoever ignores these Commandments has no part in any order or rule. All that we attempt to do without God is worthless.'32

It is not easy to comprehend the tremendous attraction which Stephen exercised over these two sophisticated clerics, and equally over the generations of imitators who were inspired by his example to dedicate themselves to a

life of poverty and extreme physical hardship. Stephen's biographers have unfortunately never really succeeded in gaining any kind of universal appeal for their subject. He demonstrates none of the dynamic quality which charac terises his close contemporary, St Bernard of Clairvaux, nor the attractiveness of personality and broadness of vi sion which distinguish his later counterparts, St Dominic and St Francis. Alongside these towering figures, Stephen appears decidedly nondescript. One of his most appealing qualities, and the one which is strongly apparent in his 'Thoughts', is the intense humility which prevented him from ever indulging in any overt criticism. His references to other religious orders are always respectful and tactful. Bernard of Clairvaux went to Rome and castigated the abuses of the roman curia; Stephen must have found these abuses equally abhorrent but instead of overturning the tables of the moneylenders, he quietly followed his Christ into the desert. Once there, he proceeded to demonstrate that reformation can be achieved more effectively by good example and gentleness than by thundering abuse. His achievement, the full uncompromising application of the plain Gospel of Jesus to a regular life of shared solitude, has never received the acclamation it warrants. Stephen of Muret, patron saint of the umecognised, has thus re mained throughout the centuries one of the unsung heroes of the christian Church.

On the 4 February 1124, just eight days after the cele

brated visit of the cardinals, Stephen's health began to fail and he knew that death was near. His last days were spent consoling and inspiring confidence in his brothers. A part of these final conversations was faithfully recorded in Chapter Fourteen of the Rule and consists of a very beauti ful exhortation to trust in Divine Providence:

I leave you in the care of God alone upon whom all life depends. For his love you have renounced both the world and your own free wills. If you remain constant in your love of poverty and if you trust God alone, his

Providence will provide for you always. For fifty years I have dwelt in this wilderness, in times of hardship I have never lacked for anything any more than in times of plenty have I ever had more than I required. God has always watched over me like a good Father. For you he will be the same always providing that you cling fast to the principles which I have given you and which are drawn from the Gospel itself.

On the morning of 8 February, Stephen became very ill and the brethren carried him from his cell to the oratory where, after hearing Mass, he received the last rites. Shortly after noon he murmured, 'lord into your hands I commend my spirit' and breathed his last. The brothers buried him secretly in the little cloister against the wall of the church in order to prevent prospective venerators from disturbing the peace of the cell. Yet Muret was not destined to be Stephen's final resting place.

The life and death of Stephen of Muret enfolds a striking double paradox: he tried to lead the life of an absolute solitary and died surrounded by disciples; he would be hailed as the founder of the Order of Grandmont yet he never intended founding a religious order and never set eyes on Grandmont.

For a different view of the Vita Stephani Muretensis, see Maire M. Wilkinson, 'The Vita Stephani Muretensis and the Early Life of Stephen of Muret' in Judith Loades, ed., Hallmark Studies in Ecclesiastical History, to be published in May 1990. The author regards the account of the saint's early life in the Vita Stephani as essentially fictional in form and actually fictitious.

Notes: Saint Stephen of Muret 49

NOTES

Vita Venerabiles Viri Stephani Muretensis, PL 204: 1065- 72. Also, Bee, Scriptores Ordinis Grandimontensis m in CC Continuatio Mediaevalis 8 (Turnhout, 1968) pp, 101-137

Bee,'Les premiers ecrivains de l'Ordre de Grandmont', RMab 43 (1963) 121- 37.

PL 204: 1048- 49.

Lev, pp. 168- 72.

Ibid., pp 166-67.

PL 204: 1085-1136. Also, Bee; see above note 1.

Dom Becquet gives a full account of Stephen's association with Archbishop Milon in BSAHL 86 (1957) 403-09. The dates of Milan's archiepiscopacy are given in Chalander: Histoire de la domination nor mande en Italie et en Sicilie 2 (Paris: 1907). The chronicle referred to is in the Annales Beneventani in Monumenta Germaniae Historica 3, ed. G.H. Pertz (Hanover, 1839) p.181.

Bee (see above, note 7)p. 406.

Lev, pp,79- 80.

J. Mabillon, Acta Sanctorum Ordinis S Benedicti 9; pp. 34-5.

On the graeco-calabrian monks, see J. Gay, L'Italie Meridionale et L'Empire Byz.antin (Paris: 1904) pp, 254- 86 and 376- 86.

RG Prologue:' dicatis christianae primae ac principalis regulae

evangelii scilicet, quod omnium regularum fons est atque principium qualescumque vos observatores confiteri non erubescatis.'

L. Delisle, 'Examen de treize chartes de l'Ordre de Grandmont',

Memoires de la Societe' d'Antiquaires de Normandie' 20 (1854) 172-73 and 88.

There is an interesting discussion of the problem in J-B. Haureau, 'Sur quelques ecrivains de l'Ordre de Grandmont', Notices et extraits des manuscripts de la Bibliotheque Nationale 24 (1876) pp. 251- 52.

Lev, p. 55.

J. Mabillon, AA SS OSB 9: p.50; also Annales Ordinis S Benedicti 5 (Paris: 1713) pp 65,79.

J-B. Haureau, Notices et extraits, 24, p. 260

Lev, p. 57: 'Ordo Grandimontis est Ordo peculiaris, qui olim fuit Eremiticus postea Coenobiticus, nunc mixtus.'

Pere J. Fouquet oMI and Frere Philippe-Etienne, Histoire de L'Ordre de Grandmont (Chambray: 1985)

Bee, 'Grandmont, Ordre et Abbaye de', Dictionnaire d'histoire et gtographie eccMiastique (Paris 1986) col 1129.

Fouquet Philippe-Etienne (note 19), p. 121.

Vita Stephani, XXIV; and RG Prologue; ed. Bee, CC Continuatio Mediaevalis 8:pp117 and 65.

D. Seward, 'The Grandmontines - A Forgotten Order', Downside

Review 83 (1965) '157- 64.

John Cassian. Conferences 1.8; tr. 0. Chadwick, Western Asceticism

(Philadelphia-London:1958) p. 200.

'15. RG ch. LN ed. Bee (note 22) p.92

A. Grezillier, 'Vestiges Grandmontains' BSAHL 86 (1957) 421.

Lev p. 80.

R. Gratien, Histoire de la Fondation et de L'Evolution de L'Ordre de Fm-es Mineurs au XIII Si cle (Paris: 1928) p. 55.

RG chs. XXXVII and XXXVIII ed. Bee (note 22) p.86.

Lev p. 80.

Ibid p. 81.

Liber Sententiarum, Epilogue ed. Bee (note 22) p. 62.

THE GROWTH OF GRANDMONT

1124-1171

OF STEPHEN OF MURET'S immediate successor, Pierre de Limoges (1124-37), we know only that he effec ted the transfer of the disciples from Muret to a

similar wooded solitude at Grandmont as the direct result of the illnatured interference of the Benedictines of Am bazac. Professional jealousy seems the only possible rea son why these monks should have asserted their rights to a few hectares of inferior land which can have afforded them very little return. For the hermits to plead their own claim to the land on which the Seigneur de Rancon, Amelius de Montcocu, had permitted them to settle was out of the question. The teaching of the Master about litigation was precise and prevented them from putting forward any plea whatever. The injunction: 'We firmly forbid you to dare to plead your case against anyone or to enter into judgement in any way', which in due course found its way into Chapter XXIV of the Rule, establishes the grandmontine position. Thus, the brothers prepared for their departure, and a Mass of the Holy Spirit was celebrated to obtain guidance in deciding their destination. The Annals record that just as the Agnus Dei was intoned, a voice audible to all who were present proclaimed 'To Grandmont'.

The stoney hillside of Grandmont is a beautiful spot about fifteen miles to the north of Limoges and only three

miles from Muret. Today a well-posted tourist route passes straight through the tiny village and winds upwards through breathtaking hill and lakeside scenery. Tourists, attracted to the region in summer by the excellent sporting and camping facilities, drive straight through the little hamlet which is apparently without interest. Few can be aware that the little square chapel which stands all alone in an open space beside the narrow roadway marks the site of a once great and famous abbey. When the church and conventual buildings were dismantled following the sup pression of the Order of Grandmont in1772, the major part of the fabric was carted away to Limoges to be used in building a house of correction. The devout villagers man aged, however, to obtain sufficient blocks of ashlar for the construction of the little memorial chapel of St John the Baptist, patron of hermits. Dedicated in 1825 by Dom Vergniaud, the last surviving grandmontine monk, it is cared for to this day by the Societe des Amis de St Sylvestre et de l' Abbaye de Grandmont, and remains an enduring monument to St Stephen and his Order of hermit monks.

The hillsides below the village are green and fertile, but higher up little flourishes apart from heather and sturdy conifers. In the Middle Ages it must have seemed a savage and desolate spot indeed. While it is quite far to the south, the altitude, combined with the prevailing north winds, render it glacial in winter, and in summer the constant build-up of clouds over the surrounding summits subject the area to a greater than average rainfall. Around the year 1184, Gerard Ithier, seventh prior of Grandmont, wrote the following description:

Grandmont is stern and cold, infertile and rocky, misty and exposed to the winds. The water is colder and worse than in other places, for it produces sick ness instead of health. The mountain abounds in great stones for building, in streams and sand, but there is scarcely any timber for building. The land around the monastery scarcely ever suffices to provide necessi-

ties, for the soil is so infertile, sterile and barren. At the foot of the mountain there are vines and fruit trees which bear well when they are not spoiled by cold and lack of sunshine; and also meadows, gardens and arable fields. The place which was chosen by God is a solitude for penitence and religion, and those who dwell there lead a hard life.1

Such was the destination of the advance group of brothers who set off from Muret. Having satisfied them selves that the rocky terrain was a suitable site for their new foundation, they applied to the Seigneur Amelius de Montcocu who, ever generous, granted them as much land as they required for their purpose. As soon as a small oratory, together with some simple huts for dwellings, had been constructed, the remainder of the brethren removed from Muret, bearing the mortal remains of their saintly founder to be reinterred beneath the altar step in their new oratory.

We can only conjecture that life in those early years at Grandmont followed the customs initiated by Stephen himself. The regulation governing enclosure was strictly enforced, and permitted the brethren only minimal contact with outsiders when unavoidable. The horarium included the specified psalmody of the Church; in addition the Annals mention a particular devotion to the Blessed Virgin which these hermits practised with the daily recitation of the Little Office of the Virgin.2 The evidence for such a tradition having emerged within the Order of Grandmont at this early date is however, somewhat tenuous, for no particular marian devotion can be attributed to the founder himself. Only once is the Blessed Virgin even mentioned in the Liber Sententiarum and then she is only given as the supreme example of a sinner saved and graced by God.3 A peculiarly grandmontine cult of the faithful departed al most certainly dates from this time, and took the form of thrice daily processions to the cemetery where the Office of the Dead was recited. Meals were taken in common,

accompanied by reading, and there were also regular chap ter sessions. The general regulations for life in community which eventually became incorporated into the Rule must have been based on the customs of these early years. In particular, this document places great emphasis on the obedience and respect due, not just to the pastor, but mutually between brothers. This injunction which is also included in the Rule of St Benedict,4 is considerably ex panded upon in the Rule of Grandmont. This has no less than three chapters which treat of obedience in general and a fourth specifically concerned with mutual obedience. Such similarities between early grandmontine customs and those of the Benedictines indicate that, while the disci ples of Stephen continued to regard themselves as hermits, and their living arrangements still resembled a simple her mit colony, they represented, in fact the embryo of an organisation, which was coenobitic in character and would develop in the second quarter of the twelfth century to reach full maturity in the third. While it is not possible to be absolutely precise as to the chronology of these stages of growth, the principle milestone is the actual appearance of a written Rule under the fourth prior, Etienne de Liciac (1139-63). A second landmark is the Custumal, which sup plemented the Rule, and was formulated under the fifth prior, Bernard Boschiac (1163-70).

Early in their history, the community at Grandmont encountered a problem familiar to monastic communities throughout the ages: a constant and distracting influx of visitors. It is remarkable how solitaries have always at tracted crowds, the genuinely pious along with the merely curious; no desert is so remote but they will seek it out, and Grandmont proved to be no exception. According to the Annals, the disturbances commenced with a local gentle man, Raymond de Plantadis, who was suffering what appears to have been the typical paralysis consistent with a stroke. He was carried to Grandmont and into the oratory, where 'he happened to touch the altar step', whereupon

he made an instant and complete recovery. 'Assuredly,' he said, 'the body of a saint lies buried here.'5 Once news of this miracle was noised abroad, the public descended on Grandmont with a vengeance and reports of cures began to multiply. Eventually the brethren, driven almost to distrac tion by the constant and unrelenting invasion of their privacy, threatened to cast the body of their saintly founder into the river. So drastic and irrevocable an action was happily averted when Prior Pierre led the community in prayers, beseeching Stephen to call a halt to these miracles. Their prayers were granted and, for a while at any rate, peace was restored to Grandmont.

Stephen of Muret himself has always been regarded as

first prior of the Order of Grandmont so when Prior Pierre died in 1137, his nephew, Pierre de Saint-Christophe, be came the third prior. His term of office proved remarkably short as he died the following year. With the election of the fourth prior, Etienne de Liciac, in1139, the Order of Grand mont passes from the realms of legend into history. De Liciac proved to be a man of great authority and feverish activity. His first major act upon election was to call the General Chapter which formulated the Rule of Grand mont. That the communities at Grandmont and elsewhere had survived so long without any attempt at coherent regulation says a great deal for the inspiring leadership of the first Fathers. Nevertheless, the haphazard arrange ments for daily living which would have sufficed for the original little band of hermits at Muret must have proved strikingly inadequate for the rapidly increasing community at Grandmont. Furthermore, fifteen years after his death, the charisma exerted by Stephen himself must have been declining as those disciples who had known him person ally became increasingly few while newly-arrived brothers would not have experienced anything of his influence and leadership except at second-hand.

The Rule, wh n it did emerge, proved to be a master piece of spiritual aims and objectives centered around the

fundamental principles of poverty and solitude, but it con tains little in the way of practical legislation. Thus it was ultimately successful in perpetuating the spiritual ideals of the Founder which would continue to inspire the Order for generations, but it did not provide anything like the far sighted guidance which distinguishes the Rule of St Bene dict and which, from the very start, ensured the efficient management of his Order. While St Benedict's Rule com bines firmness with sufficient flexibility to deal with devel opments and altered circumstances, that of Grandmont is both rigid and uncompromising. In fact, it constitutes little more than a formal embodiment of the Liber Sententiarum, the thoughts and teaching of Stephen.

Prior Liciac was not the only religious superior faced with the problem of legislating for a group of hermit monks whose numbers were growing rapidly. Several leaders of eleventh-century groups of reformed religious had proved as near-sighted as Stephen in their failure to provide practi cal directions, so that the responsibility fell heavily on the second generation. The communities of Artige, Dalon, Aureil,and Obazine provide just a few of the numerous examples occurring at this time. The task of reconciling primitive eremitical ideals with a life evolving more and more along coenobitic lines must have placed an intoler able burden on these superiors. Their inadequacy is appar ent in the numerous communities which were forced to abandon their autonomy and become daughter houses of Oteaux or, alternatively, canons regular. That the Grand montines succeeded where others failed is all the more remarkable, given the singular intransigence which would not permit them to depart from their primitive ideals how ever impracticable they might be. A clear illustration of this can be found in their unswerving resolution to retain the unusual authority vested in the lay brethren. Before the century was out, this resulted in a crisis which almost brought an end to the entire institution. As long as Prior Liciac was in command, however, his own authority, de-

termination, and strength of character proved sufficient to balance the deficiencies in the Rule, which received the approval of Pope Adrian IV on 25 March 1156.

At the same time as the General Chapter convened by Prior Liciac was deliberating the nature and content of the Rule, the building of the priory church of Grandmont was going forward. Little information exists concerning this second church which replaced the original simple oratory and eventually gave place to Grandmont m in the eigh teenth century. The description in the Annals, by a sixteenth-century monk, Pardoux de la Garde, has been shown to be inaccurate on several counts.6 Written in1591, it postdates the considerable rebuilding and modifications rendered necessary by damage sustained in the course of the Hundred Years' War and the Wars of Religion, when, on several occasions, the entire locality was devastated and Grandmont subjected to bombardment.

It was during Prior Liciac's term of office that the Order

began to benefit from the patronage of King Henry II of England. His mother, Matilda, had already shown consid erable interest in the Grandmontines when she arrived in France in 1128 to marry Geoffrey, Count of Anjou, but Henry's own interest probably dates from the time of his marriage to Eleanor of Aquitaine. Henry's admiration for the brothers of Grandmont is revealed in a story in the Annals for the year 1127, which describes his miraculous escape from disaster at sea. On one of his frequent Channel crossings a terrible storm raged and all aboard feared greatly for their lives. Henry calmly asked the captain the time and on hearing that it was midnight precisely, replied:

Let us proceed courageously, for the Grandmontine brothers in whose prayers we trust have risen at mid night and are praying for us at Matins. It is impossible for us to perish while the brethren are watching and praying for us.7

The tempest instantly abated. Unfortunately, this de lightful little tale proves to be something of a monastic

chestnut, for Professor Margaret Deanesly recounts an identical incident with a Carthusian bias:

Then the King himself at length broke forth with these words, 'O', he said, 'if that little Carthusian of mine, Hugo, were now pouring forth his private prayers, or if he were standing with his brethren, newly risen from their beds, and saying the night office, surely God would not have forgotten me for so long'. Then he called upon God to have pity on him through Hugo's prayers and merits: and without delay the clash of the tempest and the whirling of the wind subsided, the floods fell, a gentle breeze returned, all thanked the divine mercy, and the King in future held Hugo in the greatest veneration.8

Thanks to the generous gifts of Henry II and other bene factors, by 1166 the church was sufficiently advanced to permit consecration. It was dedicated, as were almost all subsequent grandmontine churches, to the Blessed Virgin. This custom of the Grandmontines eliminated the need for additional Lady chapels in their churches, but it was not confined to them; the Cistercians have always maintained the same tradition of dedicating their churches to the Vir gin. St Michel de Lodeve represents one of the few grand montine exceptions to this rule. There are two splendid prehistoric dolmens near the site and legend has it that because the monastery was built on land once associated with pagan rites, a more forceful guardian was needed to repel any lingering forces of evil. Who better than the warrior archangel who vanquished Satan himself?

Pierre, Archbishop of Bourges, presided at the ceremony of consecration, assisted by the bishops of Limoges, An gouleme, Cahors,and Seez. Numerous other dignitaries, both ecclesiastical and lay, were also present, but regretta bly two of the most outstanding characters in the early history of the Order were unable to witness this momen tous event. Prior Etienne de Liciac had died in 1163, pre ceded by the capable lay brother Hugues Lacerta in 1157.

Under the direction of Pierre Bernard Boschiac (1163- 1170) and Guillaume de Treignac (1170-1189), the fifth and sixth priors, work on the church continued. In 1170, Henry

II became seriously ill at his castle of Motte de Ger in Normandy. Benedict of Peterborough records that he gave instructions that his body should be conveyed to Grand mont for burial at the feet of the holy Father Stephen. His counsellors protested vehemently that his entombment in the church of a minor religious order, whose mother house was not even classed as an abbey, was beneath the dignity of his kingdom.9 Henry recovered and was eventually laid to rest at Fontevrault, a house of aristocratic nuns of impec cable reputation. That he was not, after all, interred at Grandmont was most probably attributable to the fact that, by the time of his death in1189, the reputation of the order of Grandmont had suffered considerably as the result of a violent internal dispute. Yet in deciding to be buried at Grandmont, Henry conferred a great mark of favour on the Order. Nevertheless, as E.M. Hallam has pointed out, the Grandmontines in their turn were honouring the king. Gerald of Wales reveals that they would bury no one in their houses except their patrons, which indicates that Henry had been especially generous towards them.10

Henry 11's attitude towards monks in general and the Grandmontines in particular is discussed by W.L. Warren who says:

Though he joked with Walter Map about the Cister cians there is little sign that he shared the genuine hostility that lay behind much of the secular clergy's ridicule of their righteousness ... Henry II had a deep regard for holy men, and his personal attachment to the austere Grandmontians seems to confirm it.11

That the king demonstrated exceptional generosity towards the brethren of Grandmont, supplying both money and materials for the completion of the church, is substantiated by the events of 1170, the year of Archbishop Thomas Becket's murder. When news of the crime reached

Grandmont, work on the church was suspended and the king's workmen dismissed. Prior Pierre Boschiac re putedly wrote the king a stinging reprimand containing the comment: 'the gold of your crown is tarnished and the roses which adorned it have fallen'. The disillusioned prior retired from office soon after addressing this letter, but his successor Guillaume de Treignac is supposed to have sup plemented his rebukes with others equally caustic, con cluding with the words: 'we cannot be a party to your evil deeds'.12

In 1172, Henry n was publicly absolved at Avranches for his part in the murder, having d clared on oath that he neither ordered nor desired the Archbishop's death al though he admitted that his rash words might have been responsible for it. He was duly restored to full communion with the Church and work was resumed at Grandmont. In 1176, Henry had two shiploads of lead mined near Carlisle dispatched from Newcastle to France. On arrival at La Rochelle, the cargo was loaded into eight hundred carts, each harnessed to eight english horses who drew the loads to Grandmont. This seemingly exaggerated account has been verified by Rose Graham who traced two entries in the Great Roll of the Pipe for the years1175-76. Henry paid

£40 for the lead and a further £12 9s 4d for the hire of the

ships.13 The following year, the king was at Grandmont in person for a business meeting with the Count of La Marche. He returned in June 1182 with his son Geoffrey while a General Chapter of the Order was in progress. The chronicler Geoffrey de Vigeois tells us that on this occasion both father and son ate in the refectory with the brethren who had assembled from the various cells for the meet ing.14 This would have constituted a singular honour, for Walter Map records that the Grandmontines only permit ted entry to their houses to 'religious and occasionally such exalted persons whose approach cannot be properly de nied by reason of the reverence due to them'.15

A short while after this event, the brethren of Grand mont became far less happily involved in the affairs of the

Plantagenets. In the summer of 1183, Henry's eldest son, the young King Henry, led an uprising against his father and to help pay his mercenaries, he plundered the church of Grandmont, removing all valuables including a sacra mental pyx in the form of a golden dove which his father had presented to the monks. Having also robbed the shrine of St Martial at Limoges, he managed to flee the city which his father was besieging. His progress southwards was an orgy of sacking and pillage; churches and sacred shrines were mercilessly laid waste. These crimes did not go un punished for long, for while the king was still besieging Limoges, young Henry fell ill with dysentery and died on the 11 June at Martel in the Perigord. It was a monk from Grandmont who actually broke the news to the king, who was sheltering in a peasant's house outside the city. Prior Guillaume de Treignac prepared to receive the prince's body for burial, but was opposed by Bishop Sebrand Chabot of Limoges on the grounds that the deceased was an excommunicate, guilty of numerous acts of sacrilege. When eventually the king personally undertook to restore the items stolen by his son, the bishop relented and a requiem for the prince was sanctioned. His brain, eyes, and entrails were removed and interred in the part of the grandmontine cemetery which was always referred to as 'Angleterre', while the corpse was removed first to Le Mans and subsequently to Rouen where it was interred in the cathedral choir. When Henry II himself died in1189, the Grandmontines received the sum of £2000 stipulated in his will, drawn up in1182 at Waltham.16

The extent of the interest taken by Henry II and later his son Richard I in the Order of Grandmont cannot be estab lished with any degree of certitude, owing to the stringent ruling of the Order which prohibited the brethren from holding title deeds to property. The relaxation of this de cree in the thirteenth century only served to add to the confusion, when numerous charters began to appear, many of which have been found to be forgeries. Some cells

claimed royal foundation in order to acquire additional privileges, while others invented Plantagenet foundation or connections in order to gain protection from the French crown.17

By the time of Prior Pierre Bernard Boschiac's retirement in 1171, the Order was reaching its point of maximum expansion and the 'Bonshommes' had become celebrated far beyond the limits of Aquitaine for their spirit of auster ity and detachment. The duchy of Aquitaine occupied the large southern region of France which, following Henry n's marriage to Eleanor of Aquitaine in 1152, had become part of the vast assemblage of Plantagenet lands. It incorpo rated the counties of Poitou and Angouleme as well as the province of the Limousin where the initial grandmontine expansion had been concentrated. In the 1170s, the terri tory ruled by the Capetian King Louis VII was contrastingly small, confined to the Ile de France, the area immediately around Paris. It was bordered by the duchy of Normandy to the west, Flanders, to the north, the county of Cham pagne and duchy of Burgundy to the east and Aquitaine to the south. Thus, the twelfth-century cells fell into two distinct categories, those sited within the domains of the Plantagenet kings and the others within the territory of the Capetians. The brethren themselves were hence divided into two national groups, 'Fratres Anglici' and 'Fratres Gallici'.

King Louis VII (1137-1180) and his son Philip II Augustus (1165-1223) both patronised the Grandmontines, and at the time of the latter's death, around thirty cells had been founded within his kingdom. By far the most important was Bois de Vincennes near Paris which owed its founda tion in 1158 or 59 directly to Louis VII. It did not, however, receive a charter until1164, the year following Prior Etienne de Liciac's death when the strict ruling against the posses sion of charters may have been slightly relaxed. Capetian foundations were quick to follow: Notre Dame de Louye near Dourdan (Essonne) and La Coudre (Loiret), both

owed their foundation in the early 1160s directly to Louis

VII. Among the neighbouring foundations known to have been made at more or less the same time are: Meynel (Seine & Oise) founded in 1169 by Bouchard de Mont morency; and Raroi (Seine & Marne) by Simon, Vicomte de Meaux, in1170.

Henry II was somewhat less influential than Louis VII, for although the mother house itself gained significantly as the result of his marriage to his rival's ex-wife Eleanor of Aquitaine, when the lordship of la Marche came under his control, the daughter cells with which he is associated appear to have been for the most part seigneurial rather than royal foundations. That is to say they owed their foundation to the generosity of local lords and other high ranking personages like the Lord Amelius de Montcocu who granted the monks land on which to build the mother house. Just three cells can possibly claim to have been founded directly by Henry II: Notre Dame du Pare les Rouen, 1156 or1157; Bercey, (Sarthe) circa 1168; Bois Rahier, (Indre & Loire), which cannot be dated more precisely than between 1157 and 1172. Villiers, (Indre & Loire), 1172, and La Hayed'Angers (Maine & Loire) have also been attrib uted to Henry n but the evidence in these last two cases is exceedingly tenuous.18

Hugues Lacerta, the knight turned lay brother, may have been indirectly responsible for the patronage be stowed on the Grandmontines by both the Capetian and Plantagenet monarchies. From time to time, Hugues was visited at the cell of la Plaine, in the Dordogne, by Geoffrey de Loroux, a former scholar of Angers who was Arch bishop of Bordeaux from 1136 until his death in 1158. Throughout his term of office, he proved to be a friend to individual hermits as well as a supporter of the new orders and of ecclesiastical reform in general. He is said to have received his archbishopric as a reward for helping St Ber nard of Clairvaux preach against the schism of the antipope Anacletus, and he is mentioned in the Annals as having

vouched for the loyalty of the Grandmontines to the lawfully-elected pope Innocent II.19 The admiration which Geoffrey professed for the Order of Grandmont may well have influenced his former pupil Eleanor of Aquitaine. Following her marriage to Louis VII in 1137, Geoffrey re ceived considerable favours from the french crown for his houses of canons in Poitou. Eleanor's subsequent marriage to Henry II in 1152 was followed, as we have seen, by the king's not inconsiderable interest in the Order and his assistance with the building of the church at Grandmont. His connection with the mother house continued intermit tently until his death in 1189. Indeed, one of his final actions was to petition Clement m to declare Stephen a saint.

Regrettably, the final years of the reign of King Henry II also ended the golden age of Grandmont. Following the priorate of Pierre Bernard Boschiac, the Order began to sink into a decline from which it never fully recovered. This was occasioned by a series of unfortunate incidents which not only provoked disharmony and discord among the brethren of Grandmont but impeded the welfare of the Order in general for several decades.

NOTES

Gerard Ithier, Speculum Grandimontis; J-B. Haureau, 'Sur quelques ecrivains de l'Ordre de Grandmont'. Notices et Extraits des Manuscripts de la Bibliotheque Nationale vol. 24 (1876) p. 255.

Lev, p. 64.

Uber Sententiarum 97:2; Bee SOG, p. 47.

RB 71. Chapters r- III of the RG treat of obedience in general, while chapter 59 exhorts mutual obedience between brethren.

Lev, p. 100

J-R Gaborit, L'Architecture de L'Ordre de Grandmont vol 1 (Un published thesis, Ecole de Chartes: Paris: 1963).

Lev, p. 112: 'Eamus audacter quia fratres Grandimontenses in quorum orationibus confidimus, media nocte ad orandum pro nobis surrexerunt ad matinas, et nullomodo possumos perire, ipsis fratribus vigilantibus et pro nobis orantibus.'

Margaret Deanesly, History of the Medieval Church (London: Meth uen, 1925) p. 126. Unfortunately Deanesly does not tell us from what source she is quoting.

Gesta Henrici Secundi 1, 7; ed.W. Stubbs (London: Rolls Series, 1867).

Elizabeth M. Hallam, 'Henry 11, Richard rand the Order of Grand- mont', Journal of Medieval History (1975) 168- 69.

10. W.L. Warren, Henry II (London: Eyre Methuen, 1973) p. 12.

PL 204: 1168- 69.

Pipe Rolls 22 Henry II, (London: Pipe Roll Society, 1904) pp. 137, 141, cited by Rose Graham, English Ecclesiastical Studies (London: SPCK, 1929) p. 217. For the extent of Henry n's involvement in lead mining in the north of England and details of shipments sent to France, see A.L. Poole, Oxford History of England, 3 (Oxford: 1951) pp. 82- 3.

'Chronica Gaufredi Coenobitae Monasterii S Martialis Lemovicen sis ac Prioris Vosciensis coenobii'; P. Labbe, Nova Bibliotheca Manuscrip torum 2 (Paris: 1657).

Walter Map, De nugis curialium 1: xxvi; M.R. James, Anecdota Oxo niensia, Medieval and Modern Series part 14 (Oxford: 1914) pp. 54- 55.

Receuil des Actes de Henri II, Roi d'Angleterre et due de Normandie con cernant /es provinces franfaises et /es affaires de France; L. Delisle and E. Berger 2 (Paris: 1920) p. 220.

Elizabeth M. Hallam, pp. 165- 86, has made a thorough study of this question; see above note10.

Ibid., p. 175.

Lev, pp. 101- 2.

III

THE YEARS OF CRISIS

1171-1228

GUILLAUME DE TREIGNAC was elected in 1171, the sixth prior of a flourishing and highly respected religious order. On 18 October 1188, he died in

Italy , deposed and driven from Grandmont by a usurper. Echoes of the dispute which broke out at Grandmont in 1185 reverberated well into the thirteenth century and shook the Christian world to the core. The cause lay in a fundamental malaise; the inadequate legislation provided by the Rule especially with regard to the functions of the deres and convers: Other factors may have contributed. Hugues Lacerta, for example, may have discerned an ini tial sign of weakness as early as 1157, when he expressed his disquiet about the too rapid growth in numbers. Again, prosperity can in itself herald disaster, a consideration which receives some treatment in contemporary sources. Walter Map, for example, that vociferous twelfth-century critic of monks in general and the Cistercians in particular, is normally somewhat uncharacteristically appreciative of the Grandmontines but he did give a clear indication of the troubles that lay ahead. In the course of his travels with the entourage of King Henry n, Map visited various cells and

68 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

made several favourable comments, but following a stay in Limoges in 1173 he wrote:

Our King is so greatly generous towards them that they lack nothing. They give alms to all comers but admit no one save it be a bishop or a prince. I am rather afraid of what may come, for now they are present at councils and handle the business of kings.1

The crisis when it broke had two distinct aspects, disci- plinary and political, to which may be added the economic consequences of so much disruption. The costs incurred by constant appeals to the roman curia were alone sufficient to bring the Order close to the verge of ruin.

The political nature of the dispute became obvious when King Philip II Augustus involved himself in an attempt to settle the alarming state of affairs which was apparent in cells within his domain. Bois de Vincennes near Paris rivalled Grandmont itself and was the chief cell of the Fratres Gallici, so when the king took the initiative and called a general council of the Order there in 1187, he was effectively overriding the authority of the mother house and asserting his influence within Angevin territory.

While the crisis eventually developed something of an international character, fundamentally it amounted to little more than a domestic squabble over what the choir monks considered to be the excessive authority wielded by their colleagues, the lay brothers. As such, it was a mere disci plinary dispute. It is always a temptation to equate the disturbances that disrupted the Order of Grandmont with the series of similar incidents which affected other religious orders, especially the notorious revolt of the gilbertine lay brethren in 1166. Thus the behaviour of the grandmontine lay brothers is mistakenly assumed to be part and parcel of a tendency towards lay brotherhood uprisings which trou bled monasteries in general at this period. The series of revolts suffered by the Cistercian Order in the thirteenth century were provoked, however, by circumstances which were in striking contrast to those which prevailed in the

Order of Grandmont. At Grandmont the lay brothers had evolved as the masters and consequently the choir monks resented them; with the Gilbertines and Cistercians, it was the lay brothers who rose against their masters, the choir monks. The resentment, which expressed itself in the vio lent uprisings of groups of cistercian lay brothers, can be attributed to the social transformation taking place in Europe in the course of the thirteenth century. Within most religious orders, the lay brethren were quite simply the monastic equivalent of ordinary labourers or serfs who were beginning to demand new freedoms in the thirteenth century, as serfdom was gradually disappearing from western Europe and peasants were becoming free rent paying tenants. Thus poverty and uncertainty no longer served as major incentives to join lay brotherhoods. Dom Louis Lekai has attributed the decline of lay brother voca tions within the Cistercian Order to the improvement in social conditions generally. The consequent problem of recruitment led in turn to a lowering of admission stan dards, while the necessity of providing material benefits in order to entice recruits led to increased worldliness within the cistercian granges and consequently insubordination and breakdown of discipline.2

The status afforded the grandmontine lay brethren was, however, without precedent in the Cistercian or any other religious Order. Before proceeding to the unfortunate con sequences of that policy we need to consider it in some detail. When the Grandmontines were founded, both the orders of Vallombrosa and Camaldoli had already intro duced lay brothers to perform domestic tasks as well as to deal with minor aspects of external administration which involved contact with lay persons. Thus the choir monks were left completely free to devote themselves to their spiritual duties. This practice was in due course adopted by the later eleventh century groups of reformed religious, notably the Cistercians, Premonstratensians, and English Gilbertines. Within these orders, however, the supreme

administration of the monastery remained firmly and con clusively in the hands of officials elected from the ranks of the choir monks. The notion of instituting a class of worker monk to be loosely responsible for temporalities was not, therefore, peculiar to the Grandmontines. That, having adopted the system, they carried it to extremes by entrust ing total responsibility for all administrative and financial matters to the lay brethren was exceptional to say the least. As we have seen, Stephen's original followers resembled numerous other hermit groups which arose in the eleventh century. There was no distinction between these religious other than their occupations; the more capable being en trusted with the more responsible tasks. That the recitation of the offices required a degree of literacy was the only factor which originally distinguished clercs from convers. This was certainly the case among the early hermits who were led by Robert d' Arbrissel at Fontevrault.3 Eventually, when several of these groups were forced to surrender their independence and to amalgamate with the 'estab lished' monastic and canonical organisations, the clercs became monks or canons whilst the convers joined the ranks of the lay brothers or associates and became, quite dearly, subordinate religious entrusted with domestic or agricultural duties under the supervision of a choir monk official. At the Grande Chartreuse shortly after its founda tion, the Carthusians provided for the accommodation of their lay brothers in the 'lower house' where, in the charge of a choir monk 'procurator', they catered for the needs of the 'upper house' as well as discharging the obligation of dispensing hospitality to guests. The Premontstratensians instituted a similar establishment known as the domus con versorum or, familiarly, the cour.

At Grandmont, such denigration of the lay brethren was

never even considered. It was as though the compilers of the Rule desired to safeguard the legal equality of the two categories of religious, and at the same time afford the clercs total seclusion and freedom from worldly cares. They

therefore awarded the eonvers exclusive authority over everything which concerned administration, work, and dealings with outsiders. Outlining the sphere of respon sibility of the deres, the Rule of Grandmont states:

The better part which the Lord praised so highly in Mary, we impose upon the deres alone, so that freed from all temporal cares they may be able to say in all truthfulness: 'The Lord is the portion of my inheri tance' (Ps 118: 57) and again: 'It is not reasonable we should leave the work of God and serve tables.' (Acts 6:2). Besides, vowed exclusively to divine praises and contemplation, they will be the servers of spiritual realities both to themselves as well as to the other brethren who confess their sins to them.4

This instruction is not dissimilar from those found in other texts governing the religious life; it is the following injunction allocating the eonvers a truly exceptional degree of authority, that represents the striking departure from the norm:

In order that conversations with outsiders and care for exterior things shall not hinder the Divine Office, in order that their souls should not forget the sweetness of interior satisfaction (which St Gregory deplored should happen to him) for these reasons we entrust the temporal care of the monastery to the convers alone; in matters worldly and all other business, they are to command the other brethren, both deres and convers, not in a domineering way but in all charity, conserving intact that humility which is the guardian of all virtues. Was not the Creator of all things himself obedient to his creatures Mary and Joseph, as it says in the Gospel:'and he was subject to them'. (Lk 2:51.)5

Needless to say, the success of this idealistic piece of legislation was almost entirely dependent on the goodwill of the eonvers who were merely exhorted to wield their authority in a spirit of humility. For their part, the deres

presumably regarded a certain subjection in matters tem poral small price to pay for the spiritual advantages. It left them at liberty to follow the contemplative life of Mary in the same way as the Carthusians, while the convers took upon themselves the role and consequent cares of Martha. As regards superiors, both the Rule and the Custumal make it clear that the Prior of Grandmont was overall general superior. Referred to as the 'Pastor', he it was to whom all major problems and serious disciplinary ques tions were to be referred. This, incidentally, must have involved a great deal of to-ing and fro-ing between the mother house and the dependent cells. It accounts for the lengthy discussion in the Rule which treats of the un desirability of brothers leaving the solitude of their cells to travel around the countryside, but at the same time, ac cepting the necessity for such absences. It probably also explains the brothers' reluctance to take on foundations at too great a distance from the mother house, and certainly not for a long time to cross the English Channel; the three english houses came into being comparatively late in the history of the Order. The prior himself was required to make a vow of stability upon election to office, which meant that he was bound to reside permanently at Grand

mont .

Both the Rule and the Custumal, when it appeared in 1171or 72, make incidental mention of officials who became known as curiosi and who had charge of the separate cells (curae cellae). They were responsible for the distribution of clothing and necessities. They were charged with deter mining the common diet and were also responsible for the care of the sick. It was the curiosus who occupied the senior place in each of the cells and from the nature of the duties entrusted to him, we may conclude that the position was held by a conver. It was not until 1216, following the first crisis, that we hear of a spiritual director, a corrector being appointed in each cell. The lengthy exhortation to practise mutual obedience which occupies chapter fifty-nine of the

Rule seems to suggest that apart from the curiosus, grand montine cells before this date had no superiors in the conventional sense at all. Novices were trained at the mother house, and only following profession would each brother be assigned to a daughter cell in accordance with the wishes of the pastor. Thus the early grandmontine cells appear to have taken the form of communities of mutually obedient religious, with the convers outnumbering the clercs at a ratio of three to one,6 under the management of a curiosus but directly responsible to the pastor at Grand mont.

What could have been the reasons which led Prior Etienne de Liciac and his colleagues to the unprecedented legislation which subjected the clercs to the convers and which in due course caused the latter group so to abuse the authority vested in them? In the first instance, we have the example set by the founder himself when he entrusted the day to day management of affairs to his close disciple, Hugues Lacerta. Dom Becquet has found a further motive in the systematic way in which the authors of the Rule sought to resolve the problem of the two classes of reli gious. They could not, for practical reasons, attain the absolute ideal of permitting all the religious without excep tion to follow the contemplative life, but neither did they wish to institute the rigid division between choir and lay brothers which existed in other orders. Their resolution had, therefore, the practical effect of subordinating the clercs to the convers, a decision which they justified by reference to the scriptural precedent of Christ subjecting himself to his parents and which is alluded to in the Rule of Grandmont.7 Thus the notion of 'Martha and Mary', which first finds utterance in the promulgations of St Au gustine, and is developed more fully by John Cassian in his conferences, became a firm institution under the Grand montines. It is interesting to note that St Dominic in the regularisation of his Order of Preachers in 1216, was to entertain a similar idea. He was dissuaded because at

that precise moment troubles manifesting themselves at Grandmont as the direct result of the arrangement were giving Pope Honorius m and his curia considerable prob lems.8

The Initial Crisis

The unmitigated quarrelling which broke out during the priorate of Guillaume de Treignac was the end-product of pent-up resentments which had been smouldering for some time within the ranks of clercs and convers alike. Jacques de Vitry, Bishop of Acre (d.1240) summed up both sides of the argument: The clercs, he comments, think that they ought to be over the convers in all things as in other Orders where the capitals are put on top of the columns and not on the bases. The convers, for their part, insist that church services should be arranged to fit in with their occupations, while the clercs should be content to take their ease in the cloister whilst they toil in the heat of the day. They read nowhere that Mary complained about Martha.9 These observations were written in the early part of the thirteenth century, by which time the troubles had entered a secondary phase. Guiot de Provins gives a somewhat earlier eyewitness account. As an ex-troubadour he had been in the Holy Land for the third crusade. When he returned to France, ageing and penniless, he decided to end his days as a monk. He toured various monasteries sizing up the advantages and disadvantages of each, be fore finally opting for Ouny. His wanderings and experi ences supplied the material for his 'Bible Guiot', a satirical poem criticising the various classes of society. Completed around 1206, the section on the monks provides a curiously lucid insight into the problems occurring at Grandmont. He began by praising the performance of the liturgy and the charity of the brethren who are exceptionally generous in affording food and alms to all comers. He was highly appreciative of the standard of the food served in the refectory which is greatly improved by the addition of

garlic and spicy sauces, a welcome change from the monot onous fare served up at Cluny! What deterred him from making his home permanently with the Grandmontines was, however, the behaviour of the convers. The clercs, he wrote, dared not commence any service in church before the convers gave the word and, if they did, they could expect severe beatings by way of reprisal:

The convers are lords and masters there, I should be frightened if they were my lords. I am frightened when I see them. Rome permits this, and why? Be cause the convers possess gold and silver. Clercs and priest are subject to them. . .. There the carts go be fore the oxen.10

Despite any undercurrent of unrest, the priorate of Guillaume de Treignac began peaceably enough. He has been described by various authors as pious, orderly, and efficient. Between the years 1174-1185, he worked ardu ously to consolidate the fame and reputation of the Order. He was an avid collector of relics and the monastery be came, as a result, an attractive secondary destination and halt for pilgrims on their way to Compostella, Rocam adour, and other celebrated shrines. The site of Grand mont itself was lonely and isolated, but the main pilgrim route from the east passed through the little hamlet of St Leonard, just a few miles away. Prior Guillaume's most outstanding success occurred when he managed to obtain the approval of the Custumal from Pope Alexander III in 1171 or 1172, as well as an official approbation of the Order from Pope Lucius III in 1182. Unfortunately his positive achievements were all too soon outweighed by his failure to govern with the tact and firmness which might have averted the impending conflict.

Hostilities were initially concerned with trivialities-the convers refusing to supply the clercs with such necessities as items of clothing. Some of the incidents which were re ported are not without humour, as when the clercs com plained because the convers had apparently taken it upon

themselves to organise church services. The convers re sponded by hiding vestments and altar utensils so that services were constantly being delayed or disrupted. The report that they deliberately supplied the officiating priest with vestments of the wrong liturgical colour so that he would be obliged to celebrate a Mass of the Virgin in black or a requiem in white,11 is, however, exceedingly unlikely. In the first place, it was an odd but usual custom in the twelfth century to celebrate festivals of the Blessed Virgin in black vestments anyway. It was not until the pontificate of Innocent m (1198-1216) that even an outline of a roman rule governing liturgical colours was defined and a general rule was not formally imposed before the reformed missal of Pius v appeared in1570.12 If the convers were working in the fields, they would delay ringing the bell for Compline until nightfall. In vain did the poor clercs vainly invoke the dignity of their priestly office and the importance of keep ing regular hours. A more serious complaint asserted that the convers were keeping their business transactions secret and refusing to render accounts in chapter in the custom ary way.

At Grandmont events took a violent tum when the convers barricaded Prior Guillaume in his room, declared him deposed and elected Etienne, a clerc from the cell of Bois de Vincennes, in his place. When news of this insub ordination reached Rome, Pope Urban m responded with the first of a long series of papal bulls attempting to put matters to rights. Dated 15 July 1186, it confirmed the overall authority of the prior of Grandmont in both spiri tual and temporal affairs. It confided responsibility for all practical management to the most able of the convers in each cell, but at the same time made it clear that decisions regarding spiritual matters were to be made by the clercs alone. In addition, it ruled that no conver had the right to preside over the daily chapter of faults and mete out pun ishments and that the management of the church and the conduct of divine worship should be the responsibility of

the clercs. In conclusion, the pope re-approved the Rule and Constitutions and granted the Order exemption from episcopal control.13 The bull had little effect, and shortly after its arrival the convers invoked the final chapter of the Rule, which gives the brethren the right to depose a prior if he is considered by the majority to be unfit for office. Guillaume de Treignac was once again replaced by Etienne de Vincennes, despite the fact that the majority of the clercs regarded this election as scandalous. Two hundred of them, together with thirteen faithful convers, are said to have accompanied the prior into exile and sought refuge in the houses of other religious orders, mainly the Cister cians. The most celebrated refugee from Grandmont was a certain William who was received into the cistercian abbey of Pontigny, where he was in due course elected prior. He concluded his career as Archbishop of Bourges and was eventually canonised St William of Bourges.

There followed the secular intervention of Philip Au gustus, who summoned both clercs and convers representa tives to a convention at Bois de Vincennes. Chief among the delegates who sought reconciliation was Brother Ber nard de la Coudre, a wise and saintly monk who had made a name for himself outside the Order as an advisor to popes and kings. In 1166, Pope Alexander III had deputed him along with a Carthusian, Simon du Mont Dieu, to attempt a reconciliation between Henry n and the ill-fated Arch bishop Thomas Becket. This particular mission proved a failure. Philip Augustus, for his part, evidently placed great trust in Brother Bernard and, before departing for the crusade in1190, appointed him advisor to his joint regents, the queen and the archbishop of Rheims for all ecclesiasti cal appointments.

It was most likely in December of the year 1187 that the meeting at Vincennes took place. Eighteen resolutions were in due course approved and submitted to the General Chapter at Grandmont as well as to the roman curia. The resolutions do little more than clarify the vague directives

given in the Rule but as they summarise the main abuses and disagreements which were provoking the discord, it is worth giving them in full:

If a king, an archbishop, a bishop, or a prince wishes to enter any of the cells of the Order of Grandmont, he is to be accompanied by only four men.

Clercs and convers are to receive equal treatment, they will partake of the same food and drink in the refectory and sleep in the one dorter. Their habits are to be made from cloth of the same quality.

All alms received, together with the names of the donors, are to be made known at the morning chapter held in each house of the Order.

All goods belonging to or received by the cells of the Order of Grandmont are to be accounted for at the morning chapter as well as anything distribu ted in alms.

The prior is to delegate two brothers, a clerc and a conver,to visit each and every cell annually and they are to have full authority to investigate and correct abuses.

Unless he is sick, the prior is to sleep in the com mon dorter with the brethren.

Everything distributed within the cells is to be accounted for to the prior.

When a new prior is to be elected, both clercs and convers will nominate six from among their num ber and these twelve shall proceed to elect the prior.

Convers have no right to effect the transference of the clercs. It goes without saying that any such transference is the sole right of the prior.

The prior is to regulate spiritual matters with the clercs and temporal business with the convers; how ever, as regards the latter he will consult with two clercs of his choice.

Altar vessels, vestments, and liturgical books are to be in the charge of the clercs.

The prior and the clercs are to be responsible for the regulation of the offices and all other spiritual

concerns.

The daily recitation of faults will be made to the hebdomadarian priest at the morning chapter. A simple reprimand will suffice.

ff a brother commits any sins, he is to confess them to one of the priests within the cell, who will administer a penance. It will never be deemed necessary for him to leave the cell to confess his sins.

The clercs are to be responsible for calling the brothers to the collation [the spiritual reading

which precedes compline] and it will take place even if the curiosus is called away to attend to visitors or to welcome guests. In addition, this official has the right to employ one or two brothers of the house to assist him in such business.

Besides what has already been stated, it is taken for granted that the newly elected prior shall promise truthfully and upon his soul that he shall in no way wrong the clercs who opposed the con vers in the course of these discords. Similarly the clercs will promise in their turn not to plot against the convers by reason of these discords.

In addition, Brother Bernard and his colleagues will undertake that should the prior and the other brothers refuse to accept or observe the articles of this peace, they will place themselves firmly on the side of the clercs and assist them to enforce these articles. The clercs, for their part will promise to obey the prior.

The final article reinforces the authority of the Rule which is to be obeyed to the letter and not adapted or altered in any way.14

The compilers of the Articles of Vincennes attempted to eliminate the basic causes of dissent by redefining the official spheres of responsibility of the two contending groups. There is little in the document which is not already implicit in the Rule or the Constitution approved by Alex ander m. That a prestigious royal council should have been required to deliberate over such seemingly obvious matters as priests being the proper persons to be entrusted with the regulation of divine worship and the care of church vessels and vestments appears utterly ludicrous. That such rulings as those contained in Articles 12 and 15 proved necessary, must indicate that the eonvers had actually been depriving the deres of the right to run their own department. Article 9 has much more serious implications. From it, it appears that the eonvers had taken it upon themselves to transfer deres from one cell to another. As the prior of Grandmont alone had the right to order transfers this was a very serious offence indeed. Article 14 points to another major contravention of the Rule. In the first place, the brethren were not permitted to leave their cells without permission, but that a brother should seek to make his confession to a priest outside his own congregation was totally at variance with accepted religious practice. The fact that some of the eonvers were finding it necessary to seek absolution for their sins outside their own Order is in itself an indication of the degree of mistrust and hostility which existed be tween deres and eonvers. Article18 has an unpleasant impli cation. Although corporal punishment with rods or cords was a generally accepted practice in the monasteries of the Middle Ages, it was administered at a properly appointed time in chapter; yet we know from Guiot de Provins, that the grandmontine eonvers were beating the deres, at times excessively.15 As the grandmontine cells had no superiors in the conventional sense, the daily chapter sessions were conducted by the hebdomadary, an official appointed on a weekly basis. The need for the Council to stipulate that the hebdomadary should always be a priest suggests that this

was another function which the eonvers had assumed and were abusing.

At Vincennes the egalitarian notions contained in the Rule received reinforcement specifically in Articles 2, 6, 7, and 8 and these rulings can have provoked little opposi tion, although which group stood to gain from the parity of diet and clothing is a matter for conjecture! By contrast, Articles 3,5,and 7, while they appear reasonable enough, are nevertheless the thin edge of the wedge leading away from grandmontine equality. The formal requirement that the eonvers make their business public and render up ac counts represents an initial wary move to relieve them of their temporal powers and subject them firmly to the au thority of the deres.

When the decisions reached by the Council of Vincennes were received at Grandmont they were dismissed out of hand, the majority of the eonvers considering them to be far too favourable towards the deres. Whilst the 'loyalists' took refuge elsewhere and occupied themselves by addressing indignant letters to Rome, the eonvers at Grandmont pro ceeded to rebel in an increasingly violent manner. By this time the appalling scandal affecting the Order of Grand mont was common knowledge and the Holy See was forced to take a more active role. The pope dispatched a five member commission to the mother house, as the result of which the anti-prior Etienne de Vincennes was excom municated and Guillaume de Treignac restored to office. In a noble attempt to keep the peace, however, he resigned voluntarily and departed for Rome where, old and infirm, he died one year later. Amid all this confusion the new pope, Clement m, who replaced the short lived Gregory VIII in December 1187, cannot have heard of Guillaume's resig nation because he proceeded to order his removal along with the usurper Etienne. Thus, the way was officially clear for a General Chapter to proceed to a fresh election. The result was an inspired choice. The eloquent and scholarly Gerard lthier became seventh prior of Grandmont, and

with his election the first serious crisis within the Order was brought to a close. The pope reapproved the Rule and confirmed all the privileges of the Order granted by his predecessors including exemption from episcopal control.

The Cold War

The priorate of Gerard Ithier proceeded in conditions which Frere Philippe-Etienne has described as 'La Guerre Froide'.16 For while the grievances of the clercs had been temporarily appeased, there can be no doubt that the curi osi elected from the ranks of the convers, remained the real masters of the grandmontine cells. For his part, Gerard made no secret of the fact that he considered equality between clercs and convers the fundamental principle of life in a grandmontine cell:

How good and righteous it is for brothers to exist together in one spirit with clercs and convers living harmoniously together in community.17

Within the small enclosed world of the monastery, it has frequently been said, small matters get blown up out of all proportion. In this way it was the seemingly trivial subject of 'The Bells' which came to be writ large in the history of the grandmontine troubles. The bells seem to have consti tuted one of the principle grounds for disagreement be tween clercs and convers. The task of sounding the call to the collation which preceded Compline had always devolved on the convers. In summer, when they wanted to benefit from the daylight and continue working in the fields, they often delayed ringing the bell until nightfall when they were free to attend this office. The clercs complained bit terly at this unconventional arrangement which not only threw their timetable out of gear, but must have deprived them of some of their rest as well. In ll91, the convers still reserved this right to themselves despite the efforts of the clercs to relieve them of it at the convention of ll87.

When Gerard Ithier resigned in ll98, he was replaced by the eighth prior, Ademar de Friac. The morale of the clercs

reached an all time low and they addressed a letter to Pope Innocent III outlining their grievances. This proved to be the first of a whole series of interventions which the long suffering Innocent and his successor, Honorius III, were forced to undertake. On this occasion, the pope hoped, rather too optimistically, that a simple reply addressed to Prior Ademar would set matters to rights. When this failed, he was forced to a more active intervention, and so he deputed Archbishop William of Bourges, the grandmon tine monk who became a Cistercian at Pontigny, together with the bishops of Paris and Limoges to visit Grandmont, deal with any abuses, and institute some measure of re form. Nothing was achieved by this mission. The central issue was still the collations bell, the deres complaining about its lateness and the convers persisting in their refusal to sound it any earlier. The failure of the papal emissaries meant that settlement of the question devolved upon the pope himself. Thus, the supreme pontiff was obliged to postpone any weightier matters whilst he solemnly delib erated over the problem of who should ring a bell! Should the responsibility remain with the convers, given that it sounded the conclusion of work, or alternatively, should it pass to the deres because equally it was the call to prayer. Following discussion with the Sacred College, Innocent III pronounced ex cathedra that the bell should be sounded at a stated hour and that if the conver responsible failed to carry out his duty then a derc appointed by the prior should step in and do it for him.

Another major cause for grievance among the deres in volved the persistent refusal of the convers to submit their accounts. Innocent m thought to settle the matter by for mally sanctioning the Article of Vincennes which had insti tuted an annual visitation of each cell by a derc and conver acting as direct representatives of the prior. The deres expressed the somewhat novel grievance that they were being outnumbered by the convers who consequently had a physical advantage over them. The pope dictated that in

future the ratio of convers to clercs should be two to one. It was further ordained that when the clercs were required to work in the fields, they should be accompanied by the convers and not return without them. The only exception being the duty-clerc for the week who was not allowed to leave the cell under any pretext. Any clerc leaving the cell without permission was to be 'proclaimed' at chapter. Both clercs and convers had an equal right to 'proclaim' their fellows but the officiating priest alone might administer a reprimand. It appears that clercs were still being surrep titiously transferred to other cells by interfering convers, and when this particular complaint reached the pope's ears he again added the weight of his authority to the Article of Vincennes which stated that such a decision could only be made by the prior after due consultation with his counsel lors.

In 1211, Innocent III again requested the archbishop of Bourges to visit Grandmont, this time accompanied by the bishop of Orleans, and deal with any abuses of the Rule. It seems that the clercs were once again accusing the convers of violating certain statutes. The following January, he was again forced to return to what must have seemed the eternal question of the bells. This time he decided firmly in the clercs' favour and the duty of ringing the bell for colla tion was delegated to a conver, then to a clerc designate and, finally, to any clerc as necessity might dictate. The differ ence was that this time anyone contravening the order was to be punished not by the Prior of Grandmont but by direct order of the pope.

The Climax of the Disputes

Prior Ademar de Friac was inclined, like his predecessor to favour the convers. But when he died unexpectedly in Viterbo on his return journey from the Lateran Council of 1215, his successor, Caturcin, tended towards the opposite view and the days of convers dominance were numbered. A renewed outbreak of violence on their part served only to hasten the final and decisive victory of the clercs.

1 May 1216, marked the turning point in the whole ugly affair. Pope Innocent m pronounced decisively in favour of the clercs. His ruling determined that in the future an official with the title of corrector be appointed by the prior to each cell. These officials were to be regarded as overall superiors responsible for all administrative concerns; they were to be chosen only from among the clercs and they were further required to be ordained priests. Not only was the corrector to take the place of the curiosus, the sole administrative post legislated for in the Rule and tradi tionally held by a conver, but he also obviated the need for a weekly rota of priest functionaries by presiding perma nently over church and chapter assemblies.

The changes set in motion by Innocent m continued under his successor, Honorius m (1216-1227). In1217, Hon orius went a stage further when he suppressed the article of the Rule which bound the prior to reside permanently at Grandmont and gave him the right to visit and inspect the various cells in person. He also settled once and for all that persistent, trivial and yet abrasive issue, the collation bell, by ordering that it be rung only by a clerc. Finally, he made it legally binding that the curiosus in each cell render monthly statements of accounts to the corrector in the pres ence of the entire community assembled in chapter.

This was too much for the convers of Grandmont to swallow and they rallied their outside supporters for a last desperate stand. Then, aided by a contingent of men at arms they broke into open and violent revolt and im prisoned the prior and his supporters. When the represen tatives sent by the pope to deal with the situation arrived, the convers responded by pillaging the priory, throwing Prior Caturcin and the forty clercs who supported him off the premises and electing in his place a clerc who was sympathetic to their cause. At this juncture the pope had no alternative but to appeal to ecclesiastical and french lay authorities to recruit the forces necessary to combat the convers and restore order.

Reprisals were terrible; all those guilty of aiding and abetting the rebellion were excommunicated. Prior Catur cin, who had taken refuge in the cluniac abbey of St Martial at Limoges, was restored and the convers forced to beg his pardon. The leaders of the revolt were permanently de prived of their charges, sentenced to be whipped each Sunday in chapter, ordered to fast on bread and water every Friday at the prior's pleasure, and deprived of the sacrament for a year unless they were in danger of death. The usurping prior and the guilty clercs were banned from celebrating Mass for as long as the prior saw fit to impose the measure.

A state of somewhat uneasy calm prevailed until Prior

Caturcin resigned his office in 1228 or 29 but the interven tion of further papal commissions proved necessary on several occasions. Later in the thirteenth century, the frus trated delegates of one such commission concluded de spairingly that nothing short of a total reform of the Rule would guarantee a lasting peace.

A consideration of the terrible crisis which crippled the Order of Grandmont within a century of its foundation reveals a number of key factors amid the morass of dis agreement and petty squabbling. All of them can, in part at least, be attributed to the near-sightedness of the compilers of the Rule in failing to take account of the eventuality of priests becoming numerous within the Order. True, this document takes the presence of priests for granted when it forbids the ownership of churches or any form of active ministry. However, it contains no specific directives con cerning the admission of priests nor has it anything to say about the status to be accorded them once accepted. This omission is in striking contrast to the Rule of St Benedict which devotes an entire chapter to the subject. The bene dictine Rule states clearly that priests wishing to enter the Order must not be accepted too readily. Moreover, it is to be made plain to priest candidates that no allowances will be made or privileges afforded them on account of their

office. They can celebrate Mass and administer the bless ings only at the abbot's bidding. They must not take liber ties and they are to be subject to regular discipline.18 The benedictine priest's subjection to his abbot underlines a further deficiency in the Rule of Grandmont, the idealistic notion which rendered superiors, at least in the conven tional sense, superfluous. The result was that when the Rule's exhortation to practise mutual obedience ceased to be observed, there was no one to enforce any kind of discipline.

By the 1180s, a significant proportion of deres were or

dained and this begs the question to what extent was their status and priestly dignity compatible with their subor dination to lay religious? Admittedly the mother house was ruled by a prior who was always a priest, but within the daughter cells the situation was altogether different. Here there dwelt small combined communities of deres and eonvers subject to no authority other than that of a prior who lived far away from them and a euriosus who was himself nominated by this inaccessible prior. Given such circumstances, it is not altogether surprising if certain priests became discontented and resentful. Far from receiv ing the respect which they felt the dignity of their state warranted, they found themselves reduced to the status of mere chaplains at the beck and call of a group of lay religious who had taken to arranging the monastic hora rium to suit themselves and their work schedule.

A situation in which ordained monks were purposely instituted to serve lay religious as chaplains was not of course without precedent. Both Gilbert of Sempringham and Robert d' Arbrissel founded monasteries in which con templative nuns were central to an organisation which incorporated lay sisters and brothers together with canons to serve as chaplains. In both instances, however, it was understood from the start that the overall superior would be the abbess. Furthermore, both the Gilbertines and the Fontevristes lived in clearly defined enclosures which kept

the various classes of religious segregated. There can have been no question of misunderstandings and arguments arising over simple domestic issues. The vast, efficiently organised and compartmented abbey of Fontevrault bears no comparison with a typical grandmontine cell situated in remote rural surroundings and where the occupants dwelt in close and confined quarters. Such conditions must have provided ideal breeding grounds for germs of dis content.

Within these vulnerable enclosures the grandmontine clercs nursed three outstanding grievances which they aired at various times during the lengthy dispute. All three can be attributed to feelings of inferiority which resulted from their ill-acknowledged status. In the first place they were made to feel inferior simply because they were out numbered by the convers at a ratio of at least two to one. A fragment of an obit, which can be dated between the years 1140-1150, testifies to a much higher ratio, one clerc to seven or eight convers, but this has to be exceptional.19

While it can be argued that the proportion of lay brothers to choir monks was notably higher in, say, the Order of

Citeaux, here the lay brethren lived outside the cloister, completely isolated from the choir monks. The fact cannot be over-emphasised that the grandmontine convers were not just auxiliary religious as were the cistercian conversi - but were fully professed monks with the same rights and privileges as the clercs. It is most unlikely that the words clerc and conver were included in the vocabulary of St Stephen, who cannot himself be properly assigned to either class of religious. Although he was ordained a dea con, and therefore technically a clerk in holy orders, yet he never aspired to the priesthood itself and as a simple hermit in the tradition of the Desert Fathers he was depen dent upon others for his spiritual needs. Neither did it occur to him to draw any distinction between himself and his disciple Hugues Lacerta whose own vocation was ac tive rather than contemplative. That the fraternal and har-

monious living conditions which prevailed at Muret were destined to be disrupted, that the sons of St Stephen would become so divisive that the smaller group would feel physi cally threatened by the others, this was a situation which neither St Stephen nor the compilers of the Rule could possibly have envisaged.

Apart from status, two other types of inferiority gave rise to resentment among the deres. These had to do with finance and with their actual living conditions. In both these areas it would appear that they were being deprived by the eonvers. While the Rule entrusts the eonvers with all practical administration of the revenues of the Order, this was intended to spare the deres the distractions which active dealings with outsiders would occasion. It cannot have intended them to be utterly deprived of any say in the management of their households, or to be silenced when corporate decisions were called for. In the course of events, it became clear that the information about sources of in come and expenditure was being completely withheld from them. It had always been customary in the Order of Grandmont as, indeed, in other religious orders, for the procurator to render accounts at chapter meetings. The fact that the eonvers were keeping their financial transactions to themselves must have been responsible for some un healthy feelings of suspicion and distrust not conducive to

life of peaceful contemplation. With regard to institu

tional matters, the deres were again made to feel inferior by not being permitted a voice in the planning of the horarium or management of the household. In certain cases they had been forced to move from one house to another by interfer ing eonvers acting without the knowledge or consent of the prior. That eonvers, through sheer weight of numbers, were able to impose their will upon the deres, must have had a profoundly demoralising effect upon the clergy.

The mother house of Grandmont never really managed to revert to the state of calm and spiritual serenity which prevailed before the commencement of the unfortunate

and oft-violent disputes. Over half a century, quarrels, fighting, and legal processes had caused the religious life to break down almost completely. In 1247, Pope Innocent IV gave the Grandmontines the text of a new constitution which firmly and indisputably placed the convers under the authority of the clercs. This action had alimiting effect upon the disturbances but minor troubles persisted until the total reorganisation of the Order by Pope John :,om in 1317.

Notes: The Years of Crisis 91

NOTES

Walter Map, De nugis curialium 1: xxvi; M.R. James, Anecdota Oxoniensia, Medieval and Modem Series, part 14 (Oxford: 1914) pp. 54- 55.

L.J. Lekai, The Cistercians, Ideals and Reality (Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977) pp. 334-46.

PL 204:1052: 'Laici et clerici mistim ambulabant, excepto quod clerici psallebant et missas celebrabant, laici laborem spontanei subi bant'.

RG, ch. uv; Bee SOG p. 92.

Ibid.

Bee, 'La premiere crise de l'Ordre de Grandmont', BSAHL 87 (troisieme livraison 1960) p. 295.

Bee, 'La Regle de Grandmont' BSAHL 87 (premiere livraison 1958)

25.

M.H. Vicaire, Histoire de Saint-Dominique, 2 (Paris: Cerf, 1982) pp

215-19.

Jacques de Vitry, Histoire Ocddentale, eh. XIX; cit. Lev, pp. 150- 53.

Guiot de Provins, 'La Bible'; J. Orr, Les oeuvres de Guiot de Provins

(Manchester: University Press, 1915) pp xi- xvi.

Rev. Pere J. Fouquet OMI and Frere Philippe-Etienne, Histoire de L'Ordre de Grandmont {Chambray: 1985) p. 39.

G. Cope,'Colours Liturgical', A Dictionary of Liturgy and Worship

ed. J.G. Davies (London: SCM, 1972) pp.139- 40

Bull no. 13; PL 202: 1416.

Bee (note 6) pp. 306- 07. A copy of the original text of these articles was made at Grandmont circa 1300 and is contained in the Charleville MS No. 54., f. 32, cap. Lil.

Orr (note 10) p. xv.

Fouquet (note 11) p. 42.

Gerard Ithier, De revelatione; PL 204: 1050.

RB 62: 2-4.

M.C. Dereine, 'L'obituaire primitif de l'Ordre de Grandmont',

BSAHL (troisieme livraison 1960) 325-32.

THE

'MIRROR OF GRANDMONT'

Grandmontine Life and Custom in the Late Twelfth Century

EXPANSION AND RECRUITMENT

DESPITE THE CRISIS WIDCH DISRUPTED life at Grand

mont , the two decades which marked the close of the twelfth century were years of outstanding achievement especially as regards the continuing growth and expansion of the Order. Numerous new cells were founded within the period normally associated with un mitigated strife. The troubles which were responsible for a considerable exodus of novices from the mother house must also have discouraged recruits, so that the founding of new cells at such a time can only have been possible because they did not require large communities to

people them.

Each cell would have housed an average of thirteen, but this number was at times surpassed and at others consid erably reduced. An ideally sized community consisted of a curiosus and twelve additional brothers, symbolic of Christ and the apostles. Dieudonne Rey has estimated the size of the communities by the number of dorter windows.1 Whilst this varies from cell to cell, the actual areas assigned to sleeping quarters differ little and in general would ac commodate thirteen. Quite early in the history of the Order these dorters were partitioned by wainscotting or some other means into separate cubicles each measuring approx imately 3.3 by 2.7 metres. This was all that remained of the

hermit's individual hut within a laura and was not, as has been suggested, a luxury. The separate stone vaulted rooms, which are always found at the far end of the dorter against the wall of the church, remain a subject for contro versy. They may have served as night oratories or infirm aries, even a combination of both. The suggestion by some authors that they represented the superior's quarters is

most unlikely as superiors in any conventional sense did not exist before Pope Innocent m instituted the office of corrector in 1216, while these rooms formed part of the standard architectural plan long before this date.

Unfortunately we can obtain little idea of actual cell populations simply from looking at the space available, and figures, even where they are available, are widely dispersed both as regards time and area. The confirmation charter given to the monks of Craswall in Herefordshire by the founder, Walter de Lacy,2 is helpful in this respect. It informs us that the cell was founded for 'tribus fratribus clericis et decem fratribus capellanis'. The latter adjective is confusing for it would seem to indicate 'choir monks'. We can safely assume, however, that the 'tribus clericis' desig nates choir monks while the 'fratribus capellanis' are con vers. It is inconceivable that the clercs should have outnumbered the convers by more than three to one. The description 'capellanis' can be explained by the Grand montine Constitution, which unlike that of the Cistercians, expected the convers to attend and to the best of their ability participate in the Divine Office. Should their work prevent them taking part, they were instructed to recite a number of Pater Nosters by way of dispensation.3

The first known grandmontine census was taken in1295, a hundred years after the priorate of Gerard Ithier and the year when numbers inhabiting the cells were reduced for the first time. Even then, the total figure, 886, quoted in the Annals, takes no account of the convers who, we are told, were still numerous.4 At this time the average number of clercs per cell was around five. Towards the close of the

twelfth century and well into the thirteenth, the convers still far outnumbered the clercs. In the matter of their recruit ment it is difficult to ascertain to what extent humility, on the one hand, and illiteracy and ignorance of Latin, on the other, played a part. The main attraction of the grandmon tine lay-brotherhood was that it permitted the individual to perform the tasks best suited to his capabilities, and yet afforded him an active role in the religious life of the community. The freedom to participate to whatever extent he was able in the recitation of the offices was a privilege denied to this class of monk in other Orders. We can see the equality which amazed various contemporaries in the appealing image of grandmontine life reflected in Prior Ithier's 'Mirror of Grandmont':

Behold how good and pleasant it is that the brethren live together. That their way of life is such that both deres and convers always share the same oratory, cloister, chapter house, refectory and dorter. Thus a conver is equal to a clerc and there is never any distinction between them except, as has been stated elsewhere, regarding the tonsure and the style of beards.'5

Prior Gerard Ithier

This mild, unassuming man proved to be one of the few outstanding scholars in an Order which as a general rule did not promote or encourage learning. His De Institutione novitorium is a treatise on obedience which found its way into a large number of medieval libraries and was long thought to be cistercian in origin.6 It is, however, his Spec ulum Grandimontis which stands out as one of the few clear, first-hand, and unbiased accounts of twelfth-century mo nastic life and conditions. It represents the chief primary source for any study of the Order of Grandmont. Rose Graham has suggested that Gerald of Wales may well have seen this work before describing the Grandmontines in his

own Speculum ecclesiae.7 The 'Mirror' of Gerard Ithier con sists of a vast two-volumned manuscript containing the Vita A of St Stephen in forty-six chapters together with the additional sixteen chapters of Vita B. There follows a ninety-two stanza poem honouring the saint, a compen dium of his miracles, an account of his canonisaton, two treatises of sixteen and ninety seven chapters respectively, and finally, the Liber Sententiarum, vel Liber de Doctrina, the 'Book of Thoughts' of St Stephen.

Down-to-earth, humble, tactful,and eloquent, these are just a few of the qualities which distinguished the man who in1188 shouldered the unenviable task of leading the Order back to some semblance of normality. That Gerard lthier had a keen awareness of human frailty is apparent from the manner in which he succeeded, albeit temporarily, in re conciling both parties within the dispute. He showed him self capable of combining the intellect of the educated priest with the genuine humility which the Rule required of the lay brethren. Attitudes to authority in the heavily class-orientated system of his day recognised only a clear cut master/servant relationship and this had proved largely responsible for the abuse of power by the convers. By contrast, Gerard wielded his authority with the skill and gentle understanding which makes for enlightened and tolerant leadership. He was inspired by the ideal of equal ity so dear to Stephen of Muret, and in attempting to implement such radical teaching within a fully fledged religious order he was centuries ahead of his time. It was most likely his concern to restore the mother house to normality and its occupants to a state of peaceful coexis tence which lay behind his decision to promote the cause for canonisation of the founder. This project would have had two major aims: distracting the brethren from their personal animosities; and at the same time encouraging them to renew their pride in the Order and emulate its saintly founder. After all, the raison d' tre of the mother house was to create a favourable environment for the aspir-

ing hermit to turn his back on the world and, in the words of Stephen, Soli Deo adhaerere.

Shortly after assuming office, Prior Gerard put his plan into action and was rewarded in March 1189, when Pope

Clement m ordered the name of St Stephen of Muret to be

inscribed in the Roman Calendar. The following August, a splendid ceremony was held at Grandmont in the presence of the papal legate, Cardinal Jean de St Marc, and nu merous high-ranking churchmen and nobles. Following a solemn high Mass, the relics of the saint were carried in procession around the cloister and reinterred in a magnifi cent shrine above the high altar itself. Following the sup pression of the Order in 1772, the bishop of Limoges was granted the mother house along with all its possessions and he caused the church treasures to be distributed among the parishes of his diocese. The shrine of St Step hen was given to the church at Razes, but was destroyed during the Revolution which broke out a few years later. The sixteenth-century annalist, Pardoux de la Garde, tells us that it was of copper gilt, enamelled, and ornamented with semi-precious stones and crystals.8 Six further relic chests were arranged on either side of St Stephen. Of these only one has survived, but it is of particular interest be

cause its form is said to represent the second church of Grandmont, which was replaced by Grandmont m in the

eighteenth century. It is preserved in the parish church of the town of Ambazac just a few miles from Grandmont.

The Cluny Panel

In addition to the relic chests, the high altar at Grand mont was ornamented with a series of panels of Limoges enamel depicting scenes from the life of St Stephen to gether with companion scenes from the life of Christ. Only two survived the Revolution: 'St Stephen conversing with Hugues Lacerta' and an 'Adoration of the Magi'. They are both in the Cluny Museum at Paris. The panel portraying St Stephen is the most outstanding relic of the Order of

Grandmont as well as providing valuable historical evi dence. In fact, it illustrates three distinct aspects of this very unusual order of hermit monks: their spirituality, organisation, and unique style of architecture.

The setting of the panel is distinctly architectural: St Stephen and Hugues Lacerta are framed in a romanesque doorway, the rounded arch of which rests on the decorated capitals of a pair of columns. It is typical of the entry into any grandmontine church. Over the arch are five domes, four of which cap an equal number of rounded structures which in turn are balanced, somewhat precariously, on the slated roofs of four corresponding structures. The centre dome is larger than the others and surmounts a rectangular building of which a side elevation with its range of five windows is alone visible. The remaining structures are rounded and six of them each have three apertures. There can be little doubt that they are intended to represent the typical rounded apses which enclosed the sanctuaries of grandmontine churches and always had three windows. The rectangular building in the centre stands out as the church of the mother house, the only one which did not conform to the rigid architectural rules which applied to the building of the daughter houses. We know that the church of Grandmont was uncharacteristic because instead of having just four windows-three in the apse and the fourth in the centre of the west wall-it had windows ranged along the side walls. The failure of the church of Grandmont to conform to general grandmontine custom is attributable to its having been originally intended to house the tomb of King Henry II. The way in which the apses encircling the mother house seem to be piled one on top of the other could be part and parcel of a discreet grandmon tine attempt to publicise their Order. Madame Genevieve Souchal has dated these panels to the last quarter of the twelfth century, and there can be little doubt that they were actually placed in position in time for the grand ceremony which marked the canonisation of St Stephen in 1189.9 By

this date approximately one hundred fifty grandmontine cells had been founded, quite a remarkable achievement for a religious Order which had been in existence for less than a century. Given that Gerard lthier was just at this time intent on restoring the image of the Order, what better way was there of distracting attention from the recent failures than by highlighting successes? Hence, the Foun der is framed in the architecture of his Order, while the daughter cells mushrooming around Grandmont symbol ise the wide and successful diffusion of his ideals between his death in1124 and canonisation in1189.

St Stephen of Muret used to be identified as the figure on the left wearing the tunic and short-hooded cloak of a

hermit. The companion figure in the chasuble was said to be St Nicholas, although there is no good reason why Stephen should be portrayed conversing with the saint of Lyda save for the spurious account of the pilgrimage to his shrine at Bari in the Vita A.10 The false identification of the figures was the result of an erroneous interpretation of the inscription engraved on the panel just beneath the arch and which can be read as:

+ NIGOLASERT: PARLAAMNE TEVEDEMVRET

In modern French, 'Nicholas etait parlant au seigneur Eteve de Muret'. This was the interpretation of E. Rupin, who noted that in the patois of the Limousin EN indicates dominus.11 It was also accepted by the english historian Rose Graham who gives it in her article 'The Order of Grandmont and its Houses in England'.12 Since the pub lication of this work in1926, Madame Souchal has provided both linguistic and grammatical evidence to show that the inscription actually reads:

N'IGO LASERT : PARLA AM N'ETEVE DE MURET

'le seigneur Hugo Lasert parle avec le seigneur Etienne de Muret'.(The Seigneur Hugo Lasert speaks with the Seig neur Stephen of Muret) In the first instance Madame Souchal points out that ERT in the Langue d'Oc has never

been used to express est or ttait-forms of the verb tre and that it is even less likely that the Latin erat would figure in a sentence in the vernacular. Even if it did, it is incon ceivable for it to be followed by a second verb PARLA, and in the present indicative. While it could be argued that PARLA was intended as an alternative of the french verbal form, est parlant, this is a comparatively recent linguistic development and never employed in the Limousin dialect. Finally, Madame Souchal notes that it is not possible to read the name 'Nicholas' in the inscription at all because the third letter is not a 'C' but a 'G'. A secondary problem concerns the name Hugues or UGO commencing with an I rather than a U, but this Madame Souchal attributes to an orthographical error of the sort which she has found to be common enough among the illiterate twelfth-century enamellers of the Limousin. LASERT is without doubt the vernacular form of a name normally expressed in its Latin form Lacerta, simply because its bearer is known to us only through Latin texts.13

A further factor which contributed to the false identifica tion of the characters in the Ouny panel has to do with costume. Whilst Hugues wears what must represent the original humble habit of the Order, a tunic and lightly indicated belted scapular beneath the short, hooded cloak, Stephen is resplendent in a chasuble, a vestment worn only by officiating priests. As Stephen, according to tradi tion, was only in deacon's orders, he has no right what soever to this attire. Once again Madame Souchal has been able to cast light on the problem. She recalls an anecdote found in the early biographies of Stephen. The night fol lowing his death he appeared in a vision to a friend of his, a certain canon, who seems to have expressed less surprise at the ghostly apparition of his friend than at the uncharac teristically splendid garment in which he was clad. 'This is the symbol of the roman pontiff which Christ himself has conferred on me', replied Stephen by way of explanation.14 Gerard Ithier immortalised this anecdote in his own writ-

ings and it seems reasonable to suppose that the artist entrusted with the execution of the panel derived from it his inspiration for a stylised Stephen in glory.

Somewhat more appropriate than the simple title, St Stephen conversing with Hugues Lacerta might be St Stephen entrusting the Rule to his disciple Hugues. That the panel is illustrating a posthumous event is clear from Stephen's halo, and what else might the book clasped in his right hand contain but the Rule of the Order based on his own 'Thoughts'. We know that these were recalled and committed to writing by the first fathers, notably Hugues himself. Something of the fundamentalist spirituality of the Grandmontines can be associated with this magnificent volume. The vivid scarlet binding and golden clasps would seem more appropriate for a Bible than for the text of a rule for simple hermit monks who placed so great an emphasis on their vow of poverty that even church vessels were required to be of non-precious metal. But then, as has already been noted, the Rule of Grandmont is not a practi cal manual of directives for life in common. It is rather a series of spiritual guidelines based on the apostolic life of Christ, and nearly a third of it is direct quotation from the Gospel. The luxurious binding is appropriate therefore, for it encloses Holy Writ.

Something of the organisational pattern of the Order of Grandmont also becomes apparent through the manner in which the figures on the panel are portrayed. This defies the medieval artistic convention which expected the relative size of a figure to indicate his status within a complicated hierarchical class structure of ecclesiastics, no bles, and commoners. St Benedict and St Bernard, for example, are invariably drawn to a larger scale than the monks to whom they are preaching. But here, we have Hugues Lacerta, a lay brother, a lowly creature in clerical eyes, drawn to the same scale and shoulder to shoulder with a choir monk. Not just any choir monk either but the founding father and, as is clear from the nimbus, a can onised saint.

Could Gerard Ithier have exercised any personal in fluence over the artist's treatment of his subject? The gentle prior's main ambition that clercs and convers should live harmoniously together is well known from the Spec ulum. What better way of exhorting the brethren to be more understanding and tolerant than by placing before them this poignant reminder of the perfect unity and harmony which existed between their founder and the lay brother Hugues? As part of the general high altar ensemble, the panel would be permanently before the eyes of the com munity, and hopefully encourage them to contemplate its message.

Grandmont as a Centre for Pilgrimage

By the close of the twelfth century, it was not only the relics of the sainted Stephen which were attracting pil grims by the score to Grandmont. The priory church was also renowned for a portion of the True Cross brought to the monks by Bernard, Bishop of Lydda, in 1174. This priceless relic was an offering from King Amaury I of Jerusalem, uncle to Henry II of England.

There is an interesting account in the Annals which concerns another important acquisition by the Grandmon tines of some particularly highly prized relics from the city of Cologne.15 In1106, workmen digging near the city walls uncovered an extraordinarily large number of female skele tons. They were said to be those of St Ursula and her eleven thousand companions who, according to legend, were massacred by the Huns on their return from a pil grimage to Rome. The earliest reference to St Ursula ac cords her just eleven companions, so just how and when this was multiplied by a thousand is a matter for specula tion. The bare facts reveal only that at some early date a number of young women were massacred at Cologne, and the twelfth-century excavation gave rise to pious beliefs that the bodies were those of the ursuline martyrs.

The Grandmontines became directly involved in this history in 1181 when the abbot of Siegburg and Canon

Guoderan of Bonn called at Grandmont on their return from a pilgrimage to Rocamadour. They were warmly wel comed by the prior who then asked the abbot if he would use his influence with the archbishop of Cologne to obtain the body of one of the martyrs. The abbot willingly agreed and shortly after his departure two priests with two atten dant convers, guided by the canon, followed him to Co logne. Their journey is vividly described in a contemporary source.16 The weather was absolutely foul and they had to contend with snow, hail,and torrential rain. Arriving at Cologne on Palm Sunday, 28 March, they were welcomed at the abbot's house where they marvelled at the comforts and the quality and abundance of food. The following morning they received the body of St Albina as well as that of a second unnamed virgin. Just how the monks had ascertained the name of one of the women is not known. The brothers were invited by the abbot to remain through out Holy Week but accepted instead Canon Gouderan's invitation to accompany him to Bonn. They spent a night in the canon's house and visited a monastery of nuns, after which they returned to Cologne. This time they called on Phillip, the archbishop, and he gave them an introduction to the abbey of St Martin. Their stay was extended to include visits to other monasteries and churches including St Maria in Gradibus and St Gereon. Everywhere they went they accumulated further relics, until on the Tuesday after Easter they started for home with the bodies of no less than seven ursuline martyrs, plus some male bones said to belong to soldiers of the Theban Legion. This was the legendary third-century legion of roman christian soldiers who mutinied at Agaunum (St Maurice en Valais) in Switzerland, because they were required to participate in pagan sacrifices. When the grandmontine travellers even tually arrived back at Limoges bearing their sacred cargo, they were met by the bishop and prior who headed a solemn procession to the church, where the relics were installed in the magnificent chests which formed the super structure of the high altar.

We cannot be certain whether portions of these relics were distributed among the daughter houses, though it does seem to have been a distinct possibility. The Roman Catholic Church has always required relics to be inserted into altars when they are consecrated. it may be significant that in the course of excavations carried out in the early years of this century at Craswell Priory in Herefordshire, a lead casket containing a female forearm and hand was uncovered close to the altar.17 It is now in the Hereford City Museum.

News of these exceptionally dramatic relics soon spread abroad, with the result that the priory of Grandmont devel oped into a celebrated centre for pilgrims travelling to and from the more famous shrines of Rocamadour and San tiago de Compostella. The splendid church, with mag nificent gilt and gem-encrusted chests and reliquaries illuminated by myriad lamps and candles cannot, there fore, be regarded as being in any way typical of the Order of Grandmont. Both architecturally and aesthetically, it had nothing in common with the plain, single-aisled churches which served the daughter houses. It is to these widely dispersed little cells that we must turn in order to view the true image of the grandmontine way of life re flected in the 'Mirror' of Gerard lthier.

Life in the Grandmontine Cells

The daughter houses of the Order of Grandmont can by no means have been equally affected by the troubles which shook the mother house. Indeed, it is reasonable to assume that the inspiration of St Stephen lingered within many of them throughout the twelfth and well into the thirteenth century. Architectural evidence reveals that no major building or embellishment work was effected at this time, and the almost total lack of period documentation for the daughter houses is indicative of their obscurity and unim portance, very much in keeping with the spirit of the Order. Grandmontine cells were little more than small

holdings whose occupants were expected to lead a life of extreme asceticism. The Rule anticipates franciscan teach ing in its exhortation to the brethren: 'Let poverty itself be your wealth and your treasure'.18 Indeed, the brethren were often in such dire straits that they did not know where their next meal was coming from.

The Grandmontines were only permitted to maintain lands sufficient for their own needs, and even if they managed to produce a surplus there was no question of their disposing of it on the open market. Originally they were not permitted to keep any animals, certainly not to maintain herds: 'Dedicate to the service of God alone the solicitude you would employ in buying, breeding and selling', enjoins the Rule.19 This ultra-severe ruling must have been waived comparatively soon, however, for Ger ald of Wales noted in his 'Mirror of the Church':

No beast of the female sex is allowed within the bounds of Grandmont but on account of their poverty the brethren have a dispensation to keep cattle and sheep and animals in their other houses.20

Gerald may have had the grange of Coudier, just a few miles from Grandmont, in mind. This establishment was built on lands donated to the mother house in 1178 by the abbey of Solignac. From the living quarters, which in cluded a small eastern facing oratory with the standard 'triplet', we may deduce that it was intended to house a permanent group of convers engaged in farming for the benefit of the mother house. Two similar but more distant establishments also existed: Balezis in the Limousin: and Montmorillon in Poitou. Sections of the latter remain incor porated in what is today a large town house. There is evidence that it was originally surrounded by vineyards and specialised in the production of wines for the mother house.

While in the course of the thirteenth century the severe

dictates of the Rule were gradually relaxed, still the Grand montines never came to be associated with large scale

106 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

farming ventures and certainly not on any commercial basis. They never made the wilderness bloom in the man ner of their cistercian contemporaries. By the1220s, we find them the recipients of gifts of land often widely dispersed but they showed little managerial capability and on the whole derived negligible benefits from such possessions. This is clearly shown in the case of the cell of Alberbury in Shropshire. In the 1220s the founder, Fulk FitzWarine, granted the brethren considerable gifts of land and other endowments, including his Leicestershire manor of Whad borough. Other gifts followed, but nevertheless the entire history of the cell reveals continual mismanagement and a total inability to make ends meet. In1344, when Edward III ordered the seizure of the house as an 'alien' priory, it was reported that lands and rents together were worth only £2 ls 2d yearly. The parish church which represented the main source of income brought in 20 marks annually and stock,

£9 6s 'which altogether did not suffice for the maintenance of the prior and six brethren'.21 The other two English houses, Craswell in Herefordshire, and Grosmont, York shire, fared little better.

Deprived as they were initially of the usual revenues relied on by monks for their support, the Grandmontines were forced to depend entirely upon the resources present within the enclosure. Forbidden by their Rule to improve the soil in any way other than to provide for the bare necessities of the penitential life, they were reduced to an implicit reliance on divine providence, which meant that they were in fact almost totally dependent on the alms they received from visitors. When all else failed they were in structed to make their needs known to the bishop in whose diocese the cell was situated. If he would not agree to help them, then, and only after two entire days of fasting, two of the brothers, the most advanced in the religious life, were sent out from the monastery to beg from door to door like any other beggars.22

The extent to which the brothers built or participated in the building of the cells has not been satisfactorily deter-

mined. Although the Rule itself forbids the employment of secular workers, the Custumal which supplemented it sometime between the years1170-5, takes lay assistance for granted when it permits the brethren to allow outside workers to live in their hospice until such a time as the building is complete. It also outlines a procedure for brothers compelled to absent themselves from office for reasons of work:

When the bell sounds ... If it should happen that they are working in the company of lay persons, then they are to remove themselves to a discreet distance and disregarding the genuflexions, they should recite the said prayers.

A further instruction concerning dress is of particular interest:

When the brothers find it necessary to work in com pany with lay persons, they are on no account to remove their scapulars and they are to keep them selves apart save when the work in hand be concerned with carpentry or stone masonry. 23

The Grandmontines did not observe a strict rule of si lence; in fact their Rule appears somewhat uncharac teristically lenient in dealing with this matter, confining itself mainly to a homily on the evils of idle chatter. It insists however, that silence be maintained at prescribed times and in appointed places: church, cloister, refectory, and dormitory. Further than this, it avoids any hard and fast ruling and accepts that even during the so called 'great silence' (after Compline until close of morning chapter) there will be occasions when it may be absolutely necessary to speak. Outside witnesses, including Nigel Wireker, Guiot de Provins, and Jacques de Vitry, are unanimous that the Grandmontines were relatively liberal in their attitude to silence. Additionally, they did not at the outset make use of a sign language as did the Cluniacs and Cistercians although such a system was developed in

108 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

the thirteenth century. Guarded speech when necessary for purposes of work was allowed by Article 8 of the Custumal.24

Both the 'Book of Thoughts' and the Rule speak continu ally of the Grandmontines' vocation as life in the 'desert'. Clearly the ideal was that once a brother had made his religious profession within the 'desert', there should be no further prospect of returning to the world. Ideals are never easily reconciled with reality and so both the Rule and Custumal make provision for the occasions when brothers were forced by necessity to travel and mix with lay per sons, insisting nevertheless, that such expeditions be kept to an absolute minimum. Brothers might be required to leave their cells for several reasons. (1) They might attend the annual General Chapter held at the mother house on the feast of St John the Baptist. (2) Additionally, brothers might of their own free will travel in order to seek the direct advice of their spiritual father, the pastor at Grandmont, although the Custumal makes it quite clear that any such visits were not to be treated as opportunities for roaming round the countryside and they were to come and go by the most direct route. (3) The convers were obviously per mitted to leave their cells to attend to business matters such as the buying or selling of provisions but any such assign ments were to be carried out as privately and discreetly as possible and under no circumstances might they involve the brethren in attending public auctions or fairs. Wher ever possible, the patrons of Grandmontine houses ap pointed a trusted man to transact business on behalf of the community. (4) Again, brothers might be sent out to make representation to the bishop of the diocese, and in extreme cases of hardship onto the local highways and byways to beg. Pilgrimages were specifically banned by the Rule so that the Cologne expedition referred to earlier was a very unusual occurrence indeed.

Priests were accepted into the Order from the start, but it

was late in the twelfth century before the Grandmontines

began submitting their own candidates for ordination as a matter of routine. The priests were not allowed to minister to outsiders even if they were dying relatives. 'Let the dead bury the dead' is the Rule's pronouncement on this sub ject, harsh, but it nevertheless echoes the Gospel. How ever, it softens a little to allow a grandmontine priest to attend a dying person within the locality if, and only if, there be no secular priest available. Neither were the brothers permitted to attend the poor and infirm within the neighbourhood, because, as the Rule points out, in the Gospel Mary made no attempt to help Martha. There was absolutely no question of brothers leaving their cells to preach. They were expected to live in accordance with the teaching of Pope Gregory the Great who said that 'a good life is preaching by example'. Again, it was not considered to be in any way advantageous to go out in order to hear others preaching, however celebrated and edifying they might be. Once again the Rule invokes a gospel precedent: John the Baptist did not leave the desert even to listen to Christ himself.

The Grandmontines did not, however, sever all connec

tion with outsiders. The most beautiful and appealing chapter in the Rule concerns itself with the welcome and hospitality which was to be afforded to guests. The brothers were expected always to show a pleasant counte nance to visitors who might seek them out in the 'desert' and treat them as generously as they would God himself.

Extra courtesy and respect was always to be shown towards religious callers, priests and brothers from other Orders. The poor in particular were to be made very wel come and if any among them should wish to make a modest offering, the brethren were instructed to accept it graciously and give their full attention to the conversation of such people by way of thanking them. Their familiar title of 'Bonshommes' seems to have been wholly justified, for their kindly welcome and exceptional generosity towards the poor is praised in several contemporary accounts.25

Priests and Liturgy

Until 1216 each cell was managed by an official widely referred to as the curiosus. Although the duties of these officials were essentially of a temporal and domestic na ture, the articles which emerged from the Council of Vin cennes make it clear that they had assumed a certain degree of religious authority, and were apparently dis charging uties which in the houses of other religious orders would have been reserved to the abbot or prior. The fact that the grandmontine lay brothers actually had a voice in daily chapter meetings would have astonished any Cluniac or Cistercian contemporary, but it seems that cer tain curiosi had gone even further and made themselves responsible for the actual conduct of meetings. The Articles further indicate that laybrothers were also assuming re sponsibility for liturgical matters. Although Innocent III declared as early as 1216, that each cell was to be managed by a priest with the title of corrector, it was not until1317 that superiors in the normal sense were introduced into the Order. At this juncture many of the correctors were up graded to priors, while the prior of Grandmont was ele vated to the rank of abbot.

The Rule implies that the prior of Grandmont, whom it terms pastor was invariably a priest, but not before the emergence of the Custumal is any definite provision made for deres in holy orders, and this tells us only that when a brother has received the order of the priesthood he must sing his first mass at Grandmont unless the prior for some reason instructed otherwise.26

It is possible that in the twelfth century many of the cells were not staffed with priests, for the Custumal includes an odd rider: to the instruction that the brethren are not to permit outsiders to be present at their offices:

Secular clerks, provided they be of mature years and suitably dressed, may be introduced for the purpose of celebrating the Divine Office, if there are no brothers present who are capable of performing it.27

This really is an extraordinary direction. Not only does it provoke thoughts as to what may have constituted the medieval equivalent of priests exercising a preference for jeans rather than clerical grey, it also suggests that some of the cells lacked not just priests but enough sufficiently literate brothers to recite the offices. Given that the average size of a twelfth-century community was thirteen, of whom only about a third were deres, the annual General Chapter held each year at Grandmont would have necessi tated a fairly lengthy period of absence for at least one of the deres. If he also happened to be the only priest there could be no eucharistic worship in the cell pending his return.

The term deres applied to the grandmontine choir monks has led to some confusion in that scholars have automat ically assumed that they were, without exception, priests. It is necessary to take into account, therefore, that through out the Middle Ages a clerk was quite simply any adminis trator capable of wielding a pen. Clerici were instituted during the pontificate of Gregory the Great (590-604) to act as secretarial and administrative assistants to the bishops, and very few of them rose above the status conferred by minor orders. Margaret Deanesly has pointed out that the parish 'clerk' of the Middle Ages was no more nor less than this seventh-century familia of episcopal clergy reduced to a minimum.28

The incidence of grandmontine ordinations rose con siderably in the course of the thirteenth century, and dur ing the fourteenth some of the cells which had been upgraded to priories annexed small exterior chapels to their churches. Seemingly, they were needed for the extra household priests requiring to celebrate Masses. Unlike the Cistercians and Cluniacs, whose churches were invariably constructed to a cruciform plan with transepts which could be divided into several Mass chapels, single-aisled grand montine churches could not accommodate altars in this way. A further and somewhat simpler solution to the

problem was the provision of a secondary altar at the base of the nave. In several of the surviving churches there is a piscina fashioned in the side of the wall of the nave which indicates that an altar once stood in this position.

The division of the monastic day into periods allocated to the recitation of the offices, private prayer, and work was similar to other religious houses of the period although there were two essential differences. In the first place the lay brothers were able to take part in the celebration of the offices in choir whenever their schedule of work permitted. The second difference concerns the actual performance of the liturgy within the cells. The directives given in the Rule are meagre in this respect, observing only that the brothers should conduct the various rituals in accordance with nor mal monastic customs and usages. Of one thing we can be certain, the celebration of the liturgy within a grandmon tine cell would have occupied far less of the brothers' waking hours than it did in other religious orders notably, among the Cluniacs who were notorious for their long, elaborate rites. A solemn High Mass with all its attendant ceremonial did not constitute the climax of the grandmon tine day as it did elsewhere and all non-essential ritual was omitted from the offices. the Grandmontines did substitute a certain amount of extra community worship, such as the thrice daily visit to the cemetery for the recitation of the Office of the Dead, still there must have been plenty of time remaining for private devotions and meditation by the deres and work for the convers.

According to Dom Levesque, the seventeenth-century compiler of the Annals, the medieval office for the feast of St Stephen was composed before 1200 by an english monk Arnold of Goth. The Proper of the Mass of St Stephen is traditionally said to have been inserted in the Ordo of Limoges by Bishop Aymerie de Serres, following its adop tion on 30 August 1189, at the first ceremony performed at Grandmont to honour the newly canonised saint. This was never eliminated from the rites of the diocese, although the

medieval office was abandoned in 1621 in accordance with the new liturgical directives agreed at the Council of Trent. The General Chapter of the Order devised a new office of St Stephen when it met in1643. A very beautiful 'Litany of St Stephen' which has been attributed to the reforming priest Dom Charles Fremon also dates from this time.

By the close of the twelfth century, three separate days of the year had been declared feasts in honour of St Stephen: the 'Transitus or passing of the Saint on 8 February, the Translation commemorating the transfer of his body on 23 June 1167; and the Revelation which marked his can onisation on 30 August. Other major grandmontine feast days included the Virgins of Cologne, and the feasts of St John the Baptist and St Martial, the third century bishop and patron of the city of Limoges.

Clothing

The Rule of Grandmont makes no mention of attire, confining itself to the method of distributing all necessities by the curiosus. The Custumal remedies this deficiency by outlining the regulation habit. Something in the tone of this document suggests that when it emerged some of the brothers were not conforming to the regulation habit and, additionally, were adopting superior quality materials which were not in keeping with the ideal of poverty ex pressed by the Order. Why else should the opening para graphs warn against all form of luxury in regard to dress and recall the camel hair worn by the patron of hermits, John the Baptist? Apparently the brothers sometimes re ceived presents of cloth because they were told to exchange for more common stuff any material which was too rich for the clothing of those dedicated to a life of poverty and penitence. Some brothers appear to have gone to the other extreme, for the Custumal warns against wearing torn clothing, and in the same paragraph, garments made of ox hide, except as night attire. There is no particular instruc tion given about style, although several references to the

scapular indicate that the typical grandmontine habit con sisted of a plain tunic and broad scapular. Round hoods were permitted so long as they were of the same cheap cloth as the remainder of the clothing and were worn only in cases of necessity. Belts were worn, but a brother was to possess only one, which had to be plain; buckles were expressly forbidden. Woollen mittens were allowed by the Custumal but not gloves except for work purposes. The 'Mirror' of Gerard lthier describes the clothing thus:

They wear sackcloth next to the skin, that is clothing made of very coarse flax or hemp, and over that a brown tunic, a scapular or short cloak with a round hood, woollen gaiters and leather shoes.29

The 'brown' tunic would not have been brown in any modern sense. Before the advent of synthetic dyes, there was no product that produced brown by itself, and the common way of manufacturing it was to blend the juice of the madder plant with varying proportions of yellow shaded with reddish pigments obtained from peach and other similar woods.30 The submission of cloth to such a complicated dyeing process is firmly ruled out by the in struction in the Custumal that cloth be: sine tinctura. Grandmontine brown was in all probability akin to what later became known as 'Franciscan grey', which the French termed 'couleur de bure', the natural greyish brown sack cloth colour of rough homespun.

That the original cheap garments eventually yielded place to a more comfortable and costly variety is revealed in an ordinance of Pope Oement V (d. 1316). Here the brothers are not only forbidden to use dye to achieve a more becoming dark-shaded attire, but are also warned against the adoption of amply cut hoods to make the habit appear more graceful. From the same ordinance we also learn that some of the brothers had taken to wearing linen undergarments!

The Grandmontines' rejection of the cowl provides sin gular proof of the degree of austerity they originally prac-

tised. The cowl, the standard monastic garb worn in choir, has often been confused with a simple monk's hood. In fact, it is a long flowing choir robe which envelops the wearer like an individual tent and helps retain body heat. The practical Benedictines tempered austerity with com mon sense, realising that it provided an effective way of keeping tolerably warm in cold stone churches in winter. Even their stricter colleagues the Cistercians retained this garment which they must have considered not so much a luxury as a reasonable precaution against an untimely death from pneumonia. The Grandmontines stand out therefore as being the only group of medieval monastics to discard this effective way of keeping themselves warm in winter. Presumably it was their extreme notions of pov erty; the cowl requires a great deal of cloth so cannot have been a cheap garment to produce. They therefore decided to wear linen surplices instead. In the seventeenth century these surplices formed part of the argument that the Grandmontines were canons regular rather than monks. Some later authors alternatively considered the surplice to be a late innovation synonymous with the decline in strict monastic standards. But Gerard Ithier wrote as early as the 1180s: 'in choir all wear surplices'. In fact, the adoption of this canonical style of choir dress by an order of hermit monks so early in their history, far from being illustrative of decadence, could be regarded as an additional penance, and a cheap way of covering work-soiled habits so as to be presentable in church.

Diet

Unlike the Cistercians, who permitted meat to be served to the sick within the confines of the infirmary, the Grand montines had no dispensation. Perpetual abstinence was expected of the healthy and infirm alike. During Lent and from the feast of All Saints until Christmas, all were re quired to fast and the diet was wholly vegetarian. During the summer season, a second meal was permitted in the

evening. The Custumal is specific regarding the choice and preparation of meals. Of the three foods-fish, eggs and cheese-which were permitted along with vegetables, only two could be offered at a time and were not allowed to be presented in different ways at one and the same meal. Until well into the thirteenth century, when at least one eyewitness account asserted that the food was rendered pleasantly palatable by the addition of spices, it must have been decidedly bland, for the Custumal expressly directs that: 'the manner and preparation of food shall not be spoiled by the addition of sauces'. As regards drink, the Custumal permits wine but only in diluted form and warns the brothers diligently to observe the Gospel precept which says: 'make sure that your hearts are not weighed down in inebriation and drunkeness'.31 The use of addi tives in the form of colouring and spices, a common prac tice in the Middle Ages to improve the flavour and appearance of the drink, was only permissible for the Grandmontines as a way of supplementing the wine when shortage required.

In company with other religious orders, the, Grandmon

tines gradually modified the rigid dietary laws as the years passed until eventually restrictions disappeared alto gether. In1642, Dom Charles Fremon instituted an experi mental primitive observance of the Rule at the priory of Epoisses near Dijon, and here the brethren returned to the practices which were current before the mitigations permit ted by Pope Innocent IV in 1247. Severe fasting together with perpetual abstinence became once again the rule rather than the exception.

The Sick and Infirm

The brother who is struck down by a sudden and severe illness will not be able to follow the community life and so he is to be placed in the infirmary. The curiosus of the monastery will then select one brother or more, if it be necessary, who are to attend upon the

sick brother both day and night and they are to be the only ones who enter the sick room.32

There is no apartment in a grandmontine cell which can definitely be identified as the infirmary or sick room, though it is possible that the small room at the end of the dorter alongside the church was assigned for the purpose. The care of the sick as it is outlined in the Rule is geared more to preparing the poor unfortunate for death than to achieving a cure. Hence a room alongside the church and directly over the cemetery passage seems appropriate.

The harsh ruling that a sick brother is to be totally isolated from the remainder of the community the better to prepare himself for the approaching encounter with his Maker is explained thus:

When, in effect, a brother has dwelt for a long while under religious discipline and throughout all this time has shunned the world with all his strength, when he finally becomes ill and is close to his end, it is then at the moment when his soul goes forth to receive its recompense that he has the need of greatest vigilance. They who are at the end of their earthly course must be like competitors in a race who redouble their efforts towards the finishing line, for to rest when they are close to the finish would mean that all their previous work had been in vain. It is also desirable that a sick disciple should not listen to worldly conversation which will encumber his spirit with futilities. And the more that intruders are reduced, the less the sick man will be subjected to listening to them.33

As we previously noted, the dietary regulations were not relaxed for the benefit of a sick brother but there is a strong element of compassion in the Rule when it states:

If it should be that the monastery cannot provide something which is necessary to a sick brother, you are ordered to sell the church ornaments which are destined for the service of God rather than permit the

sick to lack what is theirs by right. Is not the sick brother himself the tabernacle wherein God dwells? 34

Dom Becquet has pointed out that this ruling surpasses even the benedictine Rule which is exceptionally solicitous in its provisions for the care of the sick.35

No specific instructions governing the death of a sick brother are laid down in the Rule. The community do not appear to have been summoned to witness his removal from bed to a layer of ashes on the floor as was customary among the Cistercians. The brethren were buried without exception in unmarked graves in a cemetery which was invariably located close to the east range and alongside the church apse.

With regard to the chronically sick, the aged, and the infirm, the Rule states simply that they are to be accorded all necessary services in a spirit of humility and solicitude. Periodic blood letting-phlebotomy, which was customary in medieval monasteries-does not appear to have been practised by the Grandmontines. The Rule expressly for bids the acceptance of lepers into the Order, but should a brother become infected after making his profession he could not be expelled. The cell of La Haye near Angers was provided with a leper hospital soon after its foundation in the1180s and a further such establishment was provided at Bois Rahier near Tours. According to Robert S. Gottfried, one of the theories proposed by modem medical authori ties to explain the decline in the numbers of victims of leprosy in the fourteenth century is an advancement in medical techniques at the time. The manifestation of the disease is akin to many common skin ailments and it is possible that many so-called lepers had been previously misdiagnosed.36 The incidence of the disease among the twelfth-century Grandmontines must have been compara tively high if it warranted two lazar hospitals within the same region. One wonders therefore just how many of the unfortunate 'unclean' brothers banished to one or other of these houses were in reality afflicted by acne, scabies, or impetigo.

The 'Mirror of Grandmont' 119

The Patrimony of St Stephen of Muret

The rules which ordered the lives of medieval religious were written mainly for coenobites and their lengthy and detailed directions were considered necessary for very large communities living in vast monastic complexes such as Ouny and Oteaux. St Stephen, however, was the father and spiritual director of a limited family of contemplatives. His immediate successors, particularly Hugues Lacerta, continued restricting the numbers inhabiting any one cell and it was only when the mother house began increasing its community and extending its activities that problems ensued. Nevertheless, many of the widely dispersed com munities which represented the extended family of St Stephen in the late twelfth century must have remained relatively unaffected by the disgraceful occurrences at Grandmont and continued cultivating the virtues of pov erty, humility, and mutual obedience so dear to their foun der. Why else should the Order have remained popular with such patrons as the Yorkshire heiress Joan Fossard who was responsible for the first english foundation in1204?

It seems reasonable to suggest that communities con

forming to the tradition of the Order were inspued less by the rigid formality of their Rule than by the spiritual teach ings of the founder. These teachings were compiled by the first Fathers into the Liber Sententiarum and it would be inappropriate to conclude a discussion of grandmontine life and custom without at least a passing reference to this outstanding spiritual work which articulates the very es sence of the grandmontine vocation.

The text provides the aspiring religious with the means for attaining their spiritual goal; total union with God. The Prologue makes it clear that the only way to God is through his divine Son. 'There is no rule but the Gospel.' It is Christ himself who is at the centre of all the discourses; his ideas, his actions and reactions but above all else, his sublime love for humankind permeates Stephen's own thoughts. The

novice who is about to follow the Rule of the Gospel is told that he is entering into a partnership with Christ himself and he is warned that such a partnership has no hope of succeeding if it is all one sided:

Here is the reason-more important than any other why the upright person holds to the belief that God will make him a partner for eternity in his heavenly kingdom: because now, in this world, God has so humbled himself as to deign to dwell in his human creatures who are but earthen vessels. (VIl. 2)

and again:

Shall God give himself wholly to you? If that is what you want, then he is ready to do so, but only if you for your part, give yourself wholly to him. (XCIV)

Although Stephen was immediately concerned with the spiritual direction of a dedicated group of hermits, in treat ing of the divine Rule he never loses sight of the fact that its Author intended it not only for religious but for all human kind. Thus Stephen speaks of 'the monasticism of all be lievers' and is at pains to point out that Christ treats all his faithful people as religious, regardless of their state. In chapter 68, he even speaks of the 'breastplated monk' who sets out on a campaign with all the right intentions and manifests his desire to be first and foremost a soldier of Christ seeking only good and scorning evil. So long as he is prepared to 'render to Caesar that which is Caesar's and to God the things that are God's,' so long as his intention is to serve God wholeheartedly in all that he does, then he is truly a monk.

To those of God's people who are called to turn their backs on the world and follow the Rule of Christ to the letter within the confines of a monastery, Stephen issues a serious warning. While the greatest distinction is to be found in knowing God, yet the religious who dedicates his entire life to the achievement of this end is in graver danger than the average, sincere lay person. The sinner who is

close to God sins more gravely than the offender who remains at a distance. A single, evil thought caused the metamorphosis of the brightest angel into the foulest fiend. The sin of Adam was all the greater because of his closeness to his Maker. In the first chapter of the 'Thoughts', where Stephen instructs his successors in what they are to say to would-be novices, he utters the chilling words: 'It is a hundred times more preferable to be damned in the world than in the monastery because the greater the fall, the greater the injury. If you fall into hell from here, you will be among the lowest of the damned.'

Neither was the intending novice left in any doubt as to the severity of the life awaiting him within the hermits' enclosure. The words of greeting which the pastor is to employ are lifted directly from Matthew 16:24 and must be the most disconcerting words Christ ever spoke: 'If any man will come after me, let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow me.' And, just in case the intending hermit should fail to grasp the full significance of Christ's invitation, the pastor is instructed to make it almost bru tally graphic as follows:

Brothers, gaze upon the cross; if you choose to dwell here you will be nailed to it. You will have to abandon your own self-will entirely and you will be deprived of every liberty; even the right to eat or fast, sleep or wake, will be taken from you. You will never see your family home again and if your parents visit you here, you must conceal your poverty from them. Are you capable of turning yourself into a lowly peasant and bearing loads of wood and dung? Are you prepared to become a humble servant and wait on all your breth ren without distinction? You will be a prisoner in a stronghold from which there is no escape. You are free now to knock on the door of any other monastery where you will find fine buildings, delicate food ac cording to the season, extensive lands, herds and

possessions; here you will discover the cross alone, and poverty.

The key to the religious life of Grandmont is summed up by Stephen in the words: soli Deo adhaerere. Fundamen tally, the aspiring religious must divest himself of every burden, free himself from every possible worldly interest and involvement the better 'to cling to God alone'. The extent of grandmontine poverty, which has been equalled only by that of the Franciscans, has already received con siderable treatment in these pages. The justification for this life of poverty is expressed however, in some of the most beautiful of the 'Thoughts':

If the Son of God, when he came down upon this earth, would have known of a better way to reach heaven than by a life of poverty, would he not have chosen that? Love your own poverty then, since Jesus himself chose the better part. (Epilogue).

In his grace, God willed to share in the poverty and weakness of humanity-are we so proud that we will not share in God's wealth and glory? (XVIl)

Those who would 'find joy in God alone' must be clear that this will involve the banishment of all worldly distrac tions and interests the better to achieve the state of perfect contemplation necessary for achieving this goal. There is some beautiful imagery to be found in Stephen's exhorta tion to his novices to practise the virtue of detachment:

As wood which is retrieved from water will not burn brightly unless it be dried out, man cannot be warmed by the fire of the love of God so long as he is full of the humours of imperfection. Like waterlogged wood, he must first be dried out. (IX. 6)

Worldly detachment is the loosening of the bonds which bind the individual to the base path of human endeavour. Once freed from their restraint, he can begin to direct his steps towards the ultimate, blissful union with God.

It is indeed fortunate that the 'Book of Thoughts' of St Stephen survived the destruction of the Order of Grand mont, for they contain a wealth of spiritual riches which are as fresh today as when they were first committed to writing by the Fathers of Grandmont. Adrian Baillet, an eighteenth-century translator, said of them: 'They are the effusions of a heart overflowing with God' and certainly it is in these 'Thoughts' that we find the reflection of that spiritual countenance which inspired generations of Grandmontines.

NOTES

D. Rey,' Le Prieure de Comberoumal en Levezou' Etudes d'archae ologie grandmontaise (Rodez: 1925).

Muniments of Christ's College, Cambridge, God's House Drawer

'L'Institution: premier coutumier de l'Ordre de Grandmont', arti

cle 7; ed. Bee, RevM 46 (1956) 18.

Lev, p. 242: 'non computatio forte conversis quorum adhucingens erat numerus'.

Gerard Ithier, De revelatione; PL 204:1050.

J-B. Haureau, 'Sur quelques ecrivains de l'Ordre de Grandmont', Notices et extraits des manuscripts de la Biblioth€que Nationale, 24, part 2 (1876) 247-67

Rose Graham, English Ecclesiastical Studies (London: SPCK, 1929) p.214.

Pardoux de la Garde, 'Les Antiquites de Grandmont', cited in L. Guibert, 'Destruction de L'Ordre et de L'Abbaye de Grandmont', BSAHL 25 (1877) Appendix J, pp. 273-80.

Genevieve Francois-Souchal, 'Les Emaux de Grandmont au XIl Siele', Bulletin Monumental 121(1963-64) 41-64.

'Vita Venerabilis Viri Stephani Muretensis', Cap. ill; Bee SOG, p. 106.

M. E. Rupin, L'Oeuvre de Limoges (Paris: 1890) p. 97 note 1.

See above, note 7, pp. 218-19.

See above, note 9, pp 352-53.

Lev, pp. 85-86.

Lev, pp. 143-47.

Itinerarium a Guillelmo et lmberto fratribus Grandimontis conscriptum;

Bee SOG, pp. 251-264.

There is an article on this subject by G. Marshall: 'Craswall Priory and Bones of one of St Ursula's11,000 Virgins of Cologne', Transactions of the Woolhope Naturalists' Field Club, volume for1942-1944, pp. 18-19.

RG ch Xll; Bee SOG p. 77.

RG ch VI; p. 55.

Gerald of Wales, Speculum Ecclesiae; ed. J.S. Brewer, Giraldus Cambrensis, Opera 4 (London: Rolls Series, 1873) pp. 257-58.

Calendar of Letters Close for the years1343-46, p. 76 (London: Public Record Office).

RG ch Xlll, Bee SOG pp. 77-78.

'L'Institution' Articles 8, 11and 14; see above, note 3, pp. 18-19.

According to Louis J. Lekai, sign language was introduced at Cluny under Abbot Odo (942-962) and spread among the reformed congregations of the eleventh and twelfth centuries: The Cistercians, Ideals and Reality, pp. 372-73.

Giraldus Cambrensis, Speculum Ecclesiae; J. Brewer, Opera 4, p.

259. Guiot de Provins, 'La Bible'; J. Orr, Les oeuvres de Guiot de Provins

(Manchester, 1915) verses 1498-1501. Walter Map, De nugis curialium; ed.

M.R. James (Oxford: 1914) p. 54.

'L'lnstitution', Article 56 (d); (see note 3) p. 10.

Ibid, Article 48; p. 23.

M. Deanesly, History of the Medieval Church, p. 34.

Gerard lthier, Speculum Grandimontis (see note 6) p. 256.

K.G. Ponting, A Dictionary of Dyes and Dying (London: Bell &

Hyman, 1980).

'L'lnstitution' Article 21; (see note 3) p. 20.

RG LVI; Bee SOG, p. 93.

Ibid, p. 94.

Ibid.

Bee 'La Regle de Grandmont', BSAHL 87 (1958) 19.

R.S. Gottfried, The Black Death-Natural and Human Disaster in Medieval Europe (London: Robert Hale, 1984) pp. 13-15.

RELAXATION OF THE RULE

1219-1317

IN 1217, POPE HONORIUS III had accorded the deres addi tional privileges which provoked such a violent reac tion from the eonvers that armed intervention of the king and bishops of France was necessary to subdue it. Then, on1 March 1219, the pope issued a major bull which afforded the Order a Privilege intended to compliment the Rule and which constituted the fundamental legislative text for the Order of Grandmont throughout the ensuing century. It is significant that throughout its length, the religious of Grandmont are referred to as 'hermits' as though the pope were anxious to retain something of the unique character of the Order, despite the forceful counter arguments he had been subjected to, some of which pro posed its amalgamation with the Cistercians or canons

regular.

The pope had already suggested to the prior that he visit the daughter cells and regulate their affairs personally. Now, the Privilege formally released him from the obliga tion of residing permanently at the mother house. It also confirmed his indisputable authority over deres and eonvers alike. He was further afforded the exceptional sacerdotal prerogatives of conferring the tonsure and blessing the altar linen, but at the same time, he was exhorted to

127

practise poverty and humility according to the Rule and to sleep in the common dorter.

The authority of the correctors was reinforced by the Privilege and the curiosi were charged to render them ac count at regular intervals. The corrector and curiosus of each cell were required to attend the annual General Chapter at Grandmont. Three correctors elected at the General Chap ter were empowered to act as visitors to inspect the mother house itself. The said visitors were also to exercise trium veral authority in cases of sede vacante. Correctors alone were given the authority to preside at the daily chapter of faults and impose penances. On Sundays, they were re quired to give a spiritual conference which all were obliged to attend. Despite the fact that correctors were beginning to seem more like regular superiors, the cells themselves were in no way autonomous; on the contrary, they re mained wholly dependent on the mother house as before. None of them possessed novitiates and they were not even permitted to recruit novices on their own behalf. Commu nities were not established on any permanent basis, more over, and any brother could be transferred to another house at the prior's pleasure.

The Privilege reaffirmed the responsibilities of the clercs over the care of altar vessels, linen and vestments as well as sounding church bells. The ratio of two convers to one clerc was upheld and clercs were left free to do manual labour or not as they chose. A notable piece of minor legislation required the brethren to maintain a continual silence and a sign language was evolved to assist its enforcement. One cannot help wondering just how many troubles might have been avoided if this regulation had been included in the first Custumal!

In conclusion, the document conferred certain general rights upon the Order of Grandmont including exemption from episcopal jurisdiction, the right to present candidates for ordination, and that highly valued medieval privilege, freedom to toll bells in times of interdict. A copy of both the Rule and the Privilege was ordered to be kept in every cell.

The primary goal of the General Chapter which met in 1221was to adapt and modify the Constitution of the Order to bring it into line with the terms of the Privilege. The result combined with some additional and important inter nal legislation further to undermine the primitive asceti cism and fervour of the Grandmontines. Although the strict laws governing fasting were retained, the dietary prohibitions were considerably relaxed. Presumably, this was the stage at which Grandmont acquired its culinary reputation, the 'garlic sauces' which so impressed Guiot de Provins.1 Previous to this the brothers had been re quired to take it in turns to be responsible for cooking, but now it became permissible to appoint a permanent cook and no doubt standards improved accordingly. •

The restrictions on buying and selling were lifted and the brothers permitted to transact business for themselves. The trusted laymen who had previously acted on their behalf were dispensed with. No longer were the brothers barred from entering private houses and, whenever it might be necessary for them to travel, they were free to visit their relatives and friends. They were also allowed to socialise with strangers they might meet on journeys. The article of the Rule forbidding the acceptance of ecclesiasti cal honours and titles was abrogated. The reputation for outstanding humility which had always distinguished the Grandmontines was lost forever when they were afforded this opportunity to rise in the ranks of the clergy. In fact, few Grandmontines ever did achieve high clerical status.

Honorius m, in his concern to retain something of the

original spirit of poverty, had deliberately upheld the arti cles of the Rule forbidding fixed incomes and the holding of lands outside the immediate enclosure of the monastery. In fact, he went even further in ordering the sequestration of all irregularly acquired lands and possessions. This had the effect of placing the mother house in dire straits, for while a small group of brothers in a cell might be able to subsist entirely off alms, the large community at Grand-

mont could not be expected to live entirely from charity. Besides, the generosity of benefactors had been noticeably declining for some time, most likely as the result of the recent scandals. The bishop of Limoges and other high ranking ecclesiastical visitors to Grandmont expressed themselves appalled by the poverty and misery they en countered there. They obtained the agreement of the Gen eral Chapter to petition the pope to suppress the articles of the Rule which inhibited the Grandmontines from gaining a livelihood in the generally accepted monastic manner. They considered that even though the holding of lands and revenues was in direct contravention of the Rule, it was a lesser evil than the extreme deprivation which they had been forced to witness and were unable to alleviate permanently.

On 28 March 1223, the pope reluctantly agreed to the solution proposed by the General Chapter and supported by the bishops. The four most outstanding articles of the Rule, and the ones which lent the Order of Grandmont its unique mendicant character, were suppressed. For the future, the brethren were permitted to negotiate fixed in comes and own lands outside the enclosure. They were authorised to maintain the relevant charters and plead cases of land tenure in the civil courts where necessary. They were further permitted to raise herds and maintain beasts for work purposes.

The foundation of the three english houses coincided with the relaxation of the stricter observances of the Rule. Hence, with the possible exception of Grosmont in York shire, which received its first confirmation charter from King John a few years earlier in 1213, they were never subjected to the full rigour of grandmontine discipline. The cell of St Mary at Craswall in Herefordshire has not been definitively dated, although the evidence suggests some time between 1217 and 1222 and probably closer to the earlier date. According to the first charter of confirmation which was given by Henry m to the brethren in1231, it was

well endowed by its founder, Walter de Lacy. The third cell, Alberbury in Shropshire, proved to be the smallest of the three english dependencies of Grandmont and the last to be founded in the late 1220s. In company with Craswall, it was well endowed by its founder, Fulk Fitz Warine, and acquired further estates in the county of Shropshire in the course of the thirteenth century. As early as 1239, the corrector and brethren are found to be lending money as well as securing small parcels of land on mortgage.2 Fur ther small holdings appear to have been given to the breth ren in return for spiritual favours, but the most substantial portion of the endowment of this house consisted of the parish church of Alberbury. The brethren had acquired the advowson and one of the portions by 1259 and they se cured the appropriation of the church plus the remaining three portions in1262. The Rule of Grandmont is adamant that its followers must not become either the owners of churches or the receivers of revenues appertaining to them. It further instructs that any offers of churches by way of gift be resolutely declined.3 The infringement of this regulation by the english monks shows the extent to which they were distanced idealistically, no less than geograph ically, from Grandmont.

Following Prior Caturcin's resignation in1228 or 29, Elie Arnaud was elected tenth prior of Grandmont. Unfor tunately, his character possessed neither the wisdom nor the sanctity of his immediate predecessors. Shortly after assuming office he was accused of various faults and lax ities. It was stated that under his charge the Rule all but ceased to be properly observed. The pope was once again forced to intervene in the affairs of the Order of Grand mont. While he did little more initially than forbid Elie Arnaud to undermine the decisions of the General Chap ter, this at least had the effect of diminishing the somewhat excessive authority of the prior. Elie, however, continued arrogantly boasting his authority in such a way as to alien ate many of the brethren and provoke them to acts of

blatant disobedience. He rapidly became an object of ridi cule for outsiders no less than for the brothers themselves. Following further and more forceful complaints about his behaviour, the pope resolved to depose him and sent three commissioners to Grandmont to implement his decision. Elie responded by confining the papal officers and making his own appeal to the Holy See. His deposal was nonethe less confirmed by two cistercian abbots along with two carthusian priors whom the pope nominated as visitors, and the General Chapter was ordered to nominate a suc cessor. Elie proved a very difficult person to get rid of and he left for Rome in order to plead his case personally before the pope. He was still in Rome vociferously refusing to relinquish office when he died on 12 August 1239, and thus spared both the pope and the General Chapter any further trouble or unpleasantness.

The eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth priors of Grand mont each held office for a mere three years. The gentle and peace loving Jean de l' Aigle, elected in 1239, retired to the solitude of his beloved cell of Ch ne-Galon in 1142 and was replaced by Ademar de la Vergne, corrector of the important cell of Bois de Vincennes near Paris. Ademar's brief priorate was marred by further unpleasantness in the form of a tussle with the four visitors elected by the Gen-· eral Chapter. In 1244, they began actively abusing the terms of their guardianship by personally decreeing stat utes which the prior considered contrary to the Rule. It was left to Ademar's successor, Guillaume d'Ongres, to deall with the situation. In 1245, he resisted the visitors so ener getically and successfully that at his request Pope Inno cent IV quashed several of the disputed statutes. In order to clarify the legislation of the Order which a whole series of General Chapters had rendered inextricably complex, the pope issued the bull Licet ad sapiendam on 25 October 1247. This officially excised nine whole chapters of the Rule and afforded clear papal approval for the practices which Hon orius m had reluctantly agreed to in 1223. Innocent IV

issued a further bull Licet in privilegio in November of the same year. This Privilege somewhat modified that of Hon orius m, but its most significant ruling concerned the prior, whose authority was considerably curtailed by the General Chapter which was empowered to check and balance any legislation he might introduce. A definitor, an executive officer after the cistercian model, was appointed to head the general chapter and his authority was to be indepen dent of the four visitors responsible for the annual investi gation of the condition and affairs of the mother house. The autonomy of the daughter cells was increased somewhat and the authority of the correctors over the lay brother curiosi was consolidated. Cells were no longer barred from recruiting novices on their own account and the establish ment of novitiates was authorised in a few of them.

Hier Merle ruled as fourteenth prior of Grandmont from

1248 until he resigned in1260. The singular lack of informa tion concerning this fairly long priorate would seem to indicate that for a while, at least, Grandmont experienced a period of comparative calm. If this was indeed the case, it was the calm before a storm and was all too rapidly dissi pated when Gui Archer became the fifteenth prior of Grandmont in1260.

The notorious grandmontine lay brother dispute with its

attendant histrionics has always received considerable at tention from monastic historians. In consequence, another series of disturbances have tended to be overlooked. These were concerned with the international squabble which broke out at various times between the french brothers, the 'Fratres Gallici' dwelling in Capetian territory and the English, 'Fratres Anglici' who were in the majority within Angevin territories including La Marche where the mother house was situated. Back in the 1170s, King Philip Au gustus had supported the french contingent in their effort to transfer the mother house from Grandmont to Bois de Vincennes in the Ile de France. The attempt failed and any further efforts in this direction were lost to sight amid the

134 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

far greater internal struggle. Now, following a period of comparative calm in the mid-thirteenth century, this par ticular bone of contention was once again unearthed. This time it was the pious Louis IX who supported the French brothers in their attempt to transfer the seat of government of the Order. The ensuing schism heaped further disgrace on the Order of Grandmont, and it was the problem which the humble and gentle prior Gui Archer was forced to grapple with throughout his nine years of office. It quite probably constituted one of the main reasons for his sub mitting his resignation in 1269. His successor, Foucher Grimoard, continued the struggle against separatism with a greater measure of success, although his personal appeal to Rome, probably in 1269, resulted in considerable num bers leaving the Order rather than acquiesce with the papal decision and accept the penalties inflicted for their dis obedience.

Somewhat paradoxically, it was in1269, a year when the ranks of the Grandmontines were further reduced, that the fourth foundation on foreign soil was achieved. King Theo bald IV of Navarre invited the Grandmontines to take over the former franciscan house of St Martial at Tudela in the diocese of Tarazona, now part of Spain. The king was also responsible for the foundation of a second cell within the same diocese at Estella.

The troubles which dogged the Order of Grandmont must have seemed interminable to the whole succession of popes forced to intervene in its affairs. In 1285 it was Honorius N who was required to settle a somewhat novel disturbance involving the seventeenth prior. Pierre de Caussac was elected in1281or 82. A couple of years later he stood accused of both simony and perjury, charges which in actual fact were never proven. The four visitors pro ceeded to excommunicate him and put Bernard de Rissa in his place. Such a move without the assent of the General Chapter was a serious abuse of their powers. Caussac continued to attempt to rule the Order from Grandmont,

while de Rissa established his headquarters at Bois Rahier in Tours. Sides were once more taken and the scene was set for a further battle.

The first papal commission empowered by Honorius N to settle the issue quite simply failed in the attempt. The second took ruthless action in deposing both rival priors, and then used the opportunity to introduce further stat utes of reform which were in due course confirmed by Nicholas N and his successor, Clement v. The tenor of these is disciplinary and they give some idea of the degree of decadence which had pervaded the Order. Correctors were forbidden to maintain household servants and keep stables. They were also prevented from travelling with large retinues. The monks in general had to stop hunting, attending wedding feasts, and gambling. They were also forbidden to carry weapons which would seem to have been a wise precaution given the recent behaviour of some among their number!

In the course of the priorate of Pierre de Caussac a

document emerged which treats of female religious. It is not known when exactly women began entering the Order of Grandmont but one thing is certain; it was in direct opposition of the Rule which insists: 'we forbid you abso lutely to receive women into our observance'.4 Even when the ruling against women was derogated and they were admitted into the Order, they were few in number com pared with the men. Louis Guibert, the late nineteenth century historian who set himself the task of identifying and mapping all the original grandmontine foundations, discovered only four houses which were indisputably nun neries. All four were in the immediate vicinity of the mother house5 and of them Drouille Blanche at Bonnac-la Cgte, Haute Vienne appears to have been the first to have been founded. A donation charter bestowed on this com munity is preserved in the archives of the Haute Vienne.6 In the title designating the community the following words appear: albarum monialium de Dru.Zia, from which it seems

that these female religious wore white habits rather than the 'brown' of their male counterparts. The document was sealed in the church of Grandmont in the presence of the prior and ten religious, among them the chaplain of Drou ille. This suggests that the cell had already become affili ated with the mother house although this is not specifically mentioned. A further document dating from 1223 given under the seal of the bishop of Limoges also refers to grandmontine nuns.7 Drouille Blanche survived until1756, when it was united with Chatenet, originally a house of male religious. When the Order was suppressed, Chatenet along with Grandmont itself passed into episcopal control. The last grandmontine nun was Marie Barny, who retired to her family when the Order was suppressed in 1772, but she was present at the inauguration of the memorial chapel on the site of Grandmont by Dom Vergniaud, the last monk, in1825.

In 1291, Bernard de Gandelmar was selected to replace Pierre de Caussac who had been removed from office along with the rival prior. The appointment of the eighteenth prior was never confirmed, however, for he died the same year and Gui Foucher was elected in his stead. He proved to be an excellent choice, a born organiser and a capable financier who succeeded in alleviating the want and misery

, which was once again affecting Grandmont. He.managed to·achieve this mainly by imposing a levy on the daughter houses in the manner of the Cluniacs and Cistercians. In fact, this system of raising funds was not wholly new to the Grandmontines. It had been tried, not very efficiently, by Jean de l' Aigle back in1240.

Prior Foucher was responsible for the first official census of the Order of Grandmont following the General Chapter of 1295. The figures which emerged as the result clearly illustrate the toll exacted by prolonged troubles and scan dals. Several of the houses founded by the immediate successors of St Stephen had disappeared altogether by this time and the loss of houses had been particularly

heavy within the diocese of Limoges, birthplace of the Order. The total number of clercs came to 886; convers were not counted. In compiling this exclusively clerical census, Prior Foucher may have had a number of considerations in mind: the selection of candidates for ordination; a reor ganisation of the cells in order to achieve a more even distribution of existing priests, or to assist him in the appointment of correctors and other senior officials. Never theless, the omission of the convers is surprising at a time when documentary evidence reveals that other religious orders were recording the numbers of their lay brethren even if such records are sporadic and not altogether reli able. It certainly underlines the extent to which the Order of Grandmont had distanced itself from the democratic ideals of its Founder, so eloquently expressed by Prior Gerard Ithier only a century earlier. •

Louis Guilbert has painstakingly located and listed the one hundred fifty cells which still existed at this date according to the seventeenth-century Annals of Dom Le vesque.8 He points out, however, that Levesque's list probably relies on an earlier one which was inserted in a bull of Lucius min1182, because some of the cells listed had verifiably ceased to be by1295. There is valid proof that one hundred forty-four cells existed at this time. For visitation purposes Foucher also divided the Order into nine pro vinces as follows: France, Burgundy, Normandy, Anjou, Poitou, Saintonge, Gascony, Provence, and Auvergne. The map which Guibert included with his mammoth work illustrates these divisions or provinces which, with the exception of France and Normandy, emanate from Grand mont like the spokes of a wheel.

The year1305 witnessed a momentous event. Clement v, the first of the Avignon popes, visited Grandmont in per son. He had always been a great admirer of the Order, having been a pupil of the former Prior Pierre de Caussac at the cell of Deffech in Gascony, his birthplace. This was also the year when Gui Foucher handed in his resignation,

according to some sources before the Pope's visit, although others state that it was immediately afterwards. According to Pardoux de le Garde, one of the sixteenth-century com pilers of the history of the Order, Foucher's reason for resigning was his inability to defray the expenses incurred by the Pope's visit.9 This seems an unlikely motive, how ever as the pope spent just five days at Grandmont and, according to Guibert, gave instructions to his intendant to reimburse the monastery for all expenses incurred during his visit.10 An alternative explanation maintains that the prior resigned just before the Pope's arrival because he resented the measures taken by the papal commissioners appointed by Cement's predecessor, Honorius IV, partic ularly in deposing Pierre de Caussac along with the rival prior. It does not seem plausible that a level-headed and able administrator like Gui Foucher should have ceded office for either of these rather puerile motives. In fact, it would seem natural enough that he sought simply a few years of tranquil retirement after his fifteen hectic years of office culminating in a papal visitation.

Oement v, the pope who later became putty in the hands of King Philip IV of France by aiding and abetting him in the ruthless suppression of the Templars, descended on Grandmont like a whirlwind and went through the books with a fine comb. Having penalised the 'guardians' for their inefficiency, he proceeded to formu late a whole series of revised statutes for inclusion in the Constitution.

The prior was to retain overall authority and was bound to spend a minimum period of four months a year at Grandmont. When carrying out visitations at the daughter cells, he had to be accompanied by two brothers acting as counsellors, both of whom were required to be at least five years professed. The system of checks and balances was developed by the raising of the number of definitors to twelve according to the cistercian model. The said defini tors were given the right to castigate the prior and if need be cause him to be removed from office.

The General Chapter was empowered to deal with all abuses against the Rule and Constitution. There was to be no right of appeal against any majority decision taken in Chapter. At the same time as the authority of the definitors was reinforced, that of the visitors was strictly limited to confirming the election of the prior. They had no right whatsoever to depose him. Presumably, the chaos result ing from the visitors' election of a rival prior in place of Pierre de Caussac influenced the pope to this particular decision. Visitors were further required to render full for mal reports of their visitations at the annual General Chap ter. A further move to balance the supreme authority previously wielded by the prior can be identified in the statute which required the General Chapter to elect two additional superiors, a sub-prior and a procurator general. The curiosus of Grandmont retained the right to represent the convers at the General Chapter, although his powers and responsibilities were severely curtailed.

The Prior still had the right to transfer brothers from one

cell to another at his pleasure. Those cells which were more than two days' ride from Grandmont were given permis sion to receive and train their own novices, a decision which no doubt proved unpopular with those grandmon tine gyrovagi who from all accounts welcomed any oppor tunity for a trip to the mother house. The benedictine practice of placing novices in the care of a suitably qualified master and keeping them reasonably apart from the pro fessed monks for the duration of their training also became a statutory requirement. The cistercian method of training choir and lay monks in separate units was also applied to aspiring grandmontine clercs and convers. This must have had the effect of reinforcing the sort of monastic class distinction which St Stephen and the first Fathers would have found wholly unacceptable.

The remainder of the statutes concern the modification of customs which had the effect of bringing the Grandmon tines even more into line with the Benedictines and canons

140 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

regular. The disciplinary measures highlight the degree of decadence which was making itself apparent within the Order but which, it must be said, was by no means peculiar to the Grandmontines at the time. The fourteenth century has always been noted for a particularly high rate of abuse of monastic customs and privilege. There is always a ten dency to read too much into documents which treat of monastic failings, and it must be remembered that legisla tion which, for example, forbade monks to gamble may have been necessitated by a very few who indulged this particular vice. Every lax monk was compensated for by several others endeavouring to lead dedicated and saintly lives. Money appears to have posed a particular temptation at this time, because the curiosi were instructed to provide the brothers with all clothing they needed and were forbid den to hand over the money which would enable individ uals to buy their own. The brothers by turn were warned against adapting the style of their habits to suit their taste. As a precaution against the evils which accompany the accruing of debts, correctors were instructed on no account to borrow more than twenty five livres at a time. Among the luxuries which appear to have been finding their way into the cells were feather beds and fine quality linen. Brothers were ordered to return to the rough coverlets and course linen prescribed by their Rule. A further warning was given about the possession of weapons.

Abstinence from meat was maintained in principle but the Grandmontines, in common with other religious, were now permitted to indulge their appetite for meat twice a week, but with the proviso that they did so in a separate dining room. Meatless meals only were to be served in the refectory itself. Further, any brothers desirous of eating meat had to do so well out of the sight of laymen. Correc tors were also ordered to see to it that a respectable number of the brethren partook of a meatless diet in the refectory each day. Mention is also made of invitations to eat at the corrector's table, a procedure which was a commonly ac-

cepted practice in benedictine and cistercian monasteries, but which could never have found acceptance with St Stephen of Muret. Correctors were also permitted to enter tain laymen and talk with them at table.

The rule regarding silence was reinforced and the use of signs in lieu of speech approved. A further statute required that conversations, when absolutely necessary, be con ducted in a special parlour assigned for the purpose. The brethren were still forbidden to travel alone; moreover, they were on no account to be permitted to choose for themselves the companion who should accompany them on a journey. Furthermore they were forbidden to eat or sleep outside the monastery if they were less than two miles distant from a grandmontine cell. The conditions under which a woman might enter a grandmontine church were very severely restricted, and the counselling or spiri tual direction of women, including nuns and anchorites, was absolutely forbidden.

The corrector of each cell was obliged to see to it that both

the Rule and the Custumal were read aloud to the brethren twice each year. Finally, an official formula was devised to be recited by brothers at their ceremony of profession. At the point when the Rule had been curtailed to such an extent that it had almost ceased to be, it is somewhat ironic that brothers were required for the first time to promise obedience and stability 'according to the Rule of the Blessed Confessor Stephen'.

Guillaume de Premaurel replaced Gui Foucher to be come twentieth prior of Grandmont and ruled until his death in 1312, when Jourdain de Rapistan was elected by direct papal mandate, and with his advent, troubles com menced anew. De Rapistan, who seems to have had a great deal of influence in high places, came from a noble family who held large estates close to Albi in the county of Tou louse. He set about ruling Grandmont as though it were a seigneurie rather than the chief house of a religious order vowed to poverty and humility. One of his first actions

after election was to order the boundaries of the priory lands surveyed and marked. Then he assumed the right to administer justice within the little feudal lordship he had created for himself. He initiated a major building pro gramme which included the re-roofing of all the conven tual buildings with lead. The twenty-first prior also had the somewhat dubious distinction of effecting the last major bit of legislation within the ancien regime of the Order of Grandmont. Four years later, his spendthrift ways and haughty behaviour were directly responsible for the final blow to the spiritual ideal of St Stephen and the complete reconstitution of the Order.

At the General Chapter held in 1314, Prior de Rapistan completely revised the Custumal and gathered all the Stat utes which had been enacted since the origin of the Order into one volume. The result came to be known as the 'Institutions of 1314'. It is predominantly a practical docu ment and several of the Statutes, as we might expect from this prior, treat of financial matters. The disciplinary warn ings range from the dramatic to the frivolous. For example, the brethren were not to wear their tunics casually open at the neck and certainly they were not to bare their chests, which were to be covered with the regulation course gar ments and not with fine shirts. In retrospect, an injunction to the brethren never to forget their hermit origins strikes a poignant chord so close to the time when all traces of the eremitical life were doomed to extinction.

The Institutions designated twenty-four houses to re ceive and train novices. A house of studies was established at Muret mainly for the training of novice masters. The size of the community at Grandmont was fixed at forty priests and twenty-six convers, but this figure took no account of additional unordained deres or novices. Financial measures dealt with such matters as the extent of tree felling which daughter cells were permitted to undertake, and regu larised the maximum amount of loans which an individual house might seek. Each corrector was ordered to keep a

Having reaffirmed the rule of silence in refectory and dorter, the Institutions appended a considerable list of rather alarming behavioural sanctions. These were aimed at brothers found guilty of theft, slander, drunkenness, and associated misconduct, poachers, brothers leaving the enclosure at night without permission or indulging in any form of physical violence. Special mention is made of culprits who so far forgot themselves as to strike the correc tor. Brothers who denied their vow of poverty were threat ened. And a particularly harsh penalty devised for those who were discovered to have money about their persons at the time of their death; their corpses were to be interred in a dung heap. An intriguing little instruction had to do with the behaviour of brothers when in the prior's presence. Previously, they were required to prostrate themselves, an action which also had to be performed by any brother when he received or read a letter from the prior in his own cell. Now, a simple bow was substituted in the manner of the Cluniacs.

A year after these Institutions came into force, Prior de Rapistan was accused by the brethren of dissipating the possessions of the Order and leading a scandalous life. Summoned to appear before the Bishop of Limoges to answer the various charges brought against him, he re fused and appealed instead to the pope. A further grand montine war was declared. Confident that his separate appeals to the pope and King Louis IX would be successful, de Rapistan held sway at Grandmont while the rival fac tion led by the correctors of Bois de Vincennes and Bois Rahier, assembled for a general chapter in the franciscan friary at Limoges. De Rapistan was declared deposed and Elie Ademar was elected in his place as the twenty-second and last prior of Grandmont.

Repercussions of this affair were felt as far away as England. On 7 March 1315, Prior Elie Ademar wrote to

Arnold Rissa, corrector of Alberbury in Shropshire, com missioning him to receive the obedience of the english brothers on his behalf. He also made it known in this letter that he had heard that Prior de Rapistan had ordered Rissa to sell a manor and bring the proceeds personally to Grand mont. 'We forbid you,' wrote Ademar, 'to sell or alienate anything without our permission. '11

When, in 1316, Jacques Duesne was elected to the papal throne as John XXII, this quarrel about the succession had manifested itself in appalling disorders and was threaten ing to continue indefinitely. According to Dom Levesque, this pope was a former Grandmontine and corrector of the cell of Deffech.12 While this claim was perpetuated by subsequent authors, notably Guibert,13 there is little evi dence to support it. According to Margaret Deanesly, he was trained in his youth by the Dominicans .14 Certainly his tremendous ability as both canonist and theologian, which was demonstrated in his handling of the franciscan schism, points to a dominican rather than grandmontine back ground. Be this as it may, John XXII proved himself in many ways to be a man of great ability and he certainly tackled the grandmontine problems with tremendous energy.

The year 1317 makes the same impression upon students of the Order of Grandmont as 1066 does on english school children. It is one date invariably remembered. On the credit side, the bull Exigente debito which John XXII issued in the second year of his pontificate, spared the Order of Grandmont from suppression. However, it annihilated all that remained of individual grandmontine character and simply accelerated the evolution of its life along benedic tine lines. As the result of Exigente debito, the Order of Grandmont survived - a mere shadow of its former self.

It seems likely that Pope John XXII's action was influ enced, at least in part, by his compatriot, Guillaume Pel licier. Both men originated from Quercy, the region of southern France which is now divided between the depar tements of Lot and Tarn-et-Garonne. Pellicier attended the

university of Toulouse while the future pope went to Mon tpellier. Both gained combined doctorates in canon and civil law. On 1 November 1317, when Grandmont was raised to the status of an abbey, Guillaume Pellicier became its first abbot. In compliance with the bull, thirty-nine of the cells were selected and upgraded to priories, while the remainder were united with various of these senior houses as dependencies. The mother house was given a cloistral prior who was to be responsible for domestic affairs under the overall authority of the abbot. The number of religious permitted to reside at Grandmont was raised to sixty clercs together with an unspecified number of convers and nov ices. The correctors of the thirty-nine priories were auto matically created priors and each ruled over a community which numbered between sixteen and eighteen clercs.

Monasteries such as the english houses affiliated to the mother house, as well as the independent priories, were

empowered within this system to elect their own supe riors, although all such elections had to be confirmed by the abbot. Priories were also permitted to receive novices and profess them, but in company with the Benedictines, all candidates were required to promise stabilitas, that is to say, they were not permitted to transfer from the house where they made their profession without authorisation. Admissions to the various daughter houses were not, how ever, permitted if they raised the number of residents above the number allocated in the bull, unless it was by the direct consent of the General Chapter. The abbot had the right to visit any of the daughter houses at will, together with his four counsellors and a retinue suitable to his rank. The General Chapter was to be composed of the thirty nine priors and an additional clerc from each house. The number of definitors, previously set at twelve, was re duced to eight and they were not empowered to depose the abbot. The abbot for his part did reserve the right to re move a prior from office but only when acting in council

with the definitors.

From early in the thirteenth century, the Ouniacs and Cistercians, no less than the hermit order of the Char treuse, had been regularly sending a number of their mem bers to study at the universities. The Grandmontines stood out as the only group of religious who did not actively encourage scholastic studies. With the election of the scholarly Guillaume as abbot, this prejudice against learn ing was finally overcome and Grandmontines began to attend universities. To defray the costs of administration of the Order in general, but particularly those of these stu dents, the abbots were empowered tolevy subsidies on the daughter houses, with the consent of the general chapter. By the time all the directives of the bull of John XXII were complied with, very little of the old Order remained. Per petual abstinence was retained in theory but seldom in practice. As had been the case among the Cistercians in the previous century, occasions when meat was eaten multi plied as the years passed. Perhaps the most striking and sad departure from the spirit of the Rule of Grandmont occurred in the new formula for profession. Whereas the earlier version inserted in Prior Jourdain de Rapistan's Institution required the candidate to make his promise of obedience according to the Rule of the Blessed Confessor Stephen, the1317 version omits all mention of the founder and the Rule he inspired and the brother promises obe dience simply before God. This version cannot have been definitive, however, because in the Archives of the Haute Vienne there is a formula of profession used by a certain Brother Francois Chautard during the term of office of Abbot Francois de Neufville (1561-1596) in which he vows stability and obedience, 'according to the rule of the

blessed Confessor Stephen.15

The 'reform' instituted by John XXII and implemented by Guillaume Pellicier was as radical as it was efficient. For almost a century after its foundation the Order of Grand mont had striven valiantly to live like their saintly founder, and through their efforts they became recognised as the

champions of the eremitical life. Even when they began leading the same sort of conventual existence as other groups of reformed religious, something of their originality was still discernible. In 1317, it took only one stroke of the papal pen to complete the final change of the Grandmon tines into regular monks.

See above pp. 78-79.

NOTES

Muniments of All Souls' College, Oxford. Alberbury deeds: 71,82, 100.

RG Ch. V; Bee SOG, p. 73.

RG Ch. XXXIX.

Gui, 'Destruction de L'Ordre et de L'Abbaye de Grandmont',

BSAHL 23 (1875) p. 69.

Article 341, cited by Gui (note 5) p. 70, footnote 3.

Archives de la Haute Vienne. The document cited by Guibert (note 5) p. 71, footnote 1, forms part of a collection of documents which has not yet been catalogued and is therefore not available for consulta tion.

Lev (pp. 5-10) lists 152 cells but one of them, Hentrua, has not been traced, while another, Berleria, is listed twice. See also Gui, pp. 60-65.

Pardoux de la Garde, 'Compilations des Antiquites de Grand mont', cited by Gui, p. 76.

Gui, 'Destruction' (note 5) p. 76, footnote 1.

Muniments of All Souls' College, Oxford, Alberbury collection No. 120. Cited by R. Graham, English Ecclesiastical Studies (London: SPCK, 1929) pp. 234-35

Lev, p. 294.

Gui, 'Destruction' (note 5) p. 80.

M. Deanesly, A History of the Medieval Church (London: Methuen, 1925) p. 183

Archives of the Haute Vienne, Seminaire de Limoges collection article 3931: Cited by Gui, 'Destruction' (above note 5) p. 58, footnote 1.

GRANDMONT UNDER THE ABBOTS

THE ELECTED ABBOTS 1317-1379

GUILLAUME PELLICIER RECEIVED the abbatial blessing from the Cardinal Archbishop Nicolas of Ostia on 30 April 1318. The ceremony took place at Avig

non, which since 1309 had been the recognised seat of the papacy. He was able to assume control of Grandmont secure in the knowledge that he had solid papal backing for all his actions. Apart from being a conscientious religious, the first abbot has been recognised both as a scholar and a man capable of wielding authority with firmness and flex ibility. He certainly worked tirelessly to conserve the rights of the Order and strengthen its new structure of govern ment. He made himself personally responsible for drafting the various decrees which in due course were submitted to the General Chapters for approbation. It is in large part due to these official texts that we are able to glean something of the institutional life of the Order during his years of office. The most outstanding problem confronting Abbot Pel licier at the beginning of his rule was financial. The affairs of the mother house, let alone the daughter houses, had once again sunk into a lamentable state. This can in part be attributed to Prior de Rapistan's lavish expenditure, but years of general inefficiency and inept management had also to be taken into account. Pellicier had to devote consid erable effort and skill to re-establishing the Order on a

149

secure financial base. The subsidies which the1317bull had permitted to be levied on the daughter houses were strenu ously resisted, and it required tremendous firmness and tact on his part to secure payment. This money was re quired to satisfy the Order's creditors. There were heavy additional expenses involved in running the abbey itself, but the new abbot was also obliged to satisfy the papal requirement that twelve students attend universities. The sum needed to make up the grants which would enable these students to complete the full seven-year course was considerable. Another and somewhat more delicate obliga tion involved the payment of costs incurred in legal proc esses relating to possessions acquired by communities outside their immediate enclosure. Involvement in secular court cases was not, however, a problem peculiar to the Grandmontines. Fourteenth-century monks in general were notorious for their frequent involvement in litigation. A more fundamental difficulty arose when Pellicier turned to the task of establishing and safeguarding his authority over the priors of the Order. A related subject, and one which called for exceptionally delicate handling, concerned the exercise of his powers of visitation. At the General Chapter of 1329, the priors protested vehemently over what they considered the excessive authority the abbot wielded in investigating and regulating the affairs of their respective houses. Thirteen major questions were raised, and the disputations which followed became so involved in legal intricacies that the advice of secular law yers had to be sought to help to unravel the issues at stake. It says a great deal for Guillaume Pellicier's powers of leadership and persuasion that the Order emerged un scathed from the furor of protests aired at this particular meeting. In fact, the question regarding the spheres and limitations of abbatial authority once settled, the Chapter proceeded to introduce some clear-sighted and positive legislation. This was divided between the practical resolu tions appertaining to the general management of the Or-

der, and those decisions which affected religious obser vances and the rubrics governing the celebration of the liturgy.

Liturgical innovations are fully outlined in Guillaume Pellicier s work 'On the Celebration of the Divine Offices in the Order of Grandmont' .1 They concern such matters as the inclusion of certain feasts and their octaves in the grandmontine ordo along with the requirement that the brothers confess and receive Holy Communion at least twice a month. Certain mitigations are also included, the most notable of which concerns the Office of the Dead. Up until this time, the monks were expected to assemble in the cemetery three times a day to recite it, presumably in all weathers. Now this undeniably harsh practice was dis pensed with, although they were still required to assemble in the cemetery morning and evening except on feastdays and recite the Miserere (psalm 51). Two liturgical inno vations which came about at this time are of particular interest and significance, revealing as they do the transfor mation of the religious life of the Grandmontines from the eremitic to the thoroughly conventual. The first ordains that Sunday and feastday masses be preceeded by a sol emn procession in the cluniac manner. The second in structs that the daily conventual mass be sung with deacon and sub-deacon in attendance on the celebrant.

A considerable number of directives governing the ac ceptance and training of novices were introduced under Abbot Pellicier and compiled by him in another major text, Liber de doctrina novitiorum. Frere Philippe-Etienne, an au thority on grandmontine life and observance, has observed that more than anything else this work illustrates the de finitive transformation of the Order of Grandmont and its attendant loss of identity.2 It is true that throughout its entire length St Stephen the Founder is only once men tioned while his 'Book of Thoughts', the fundamental inspiration of Grandmontine life, is totally ignored. By contrast, there are frequent allusions to and quotations

from the writings of Bernard of Clairvaux, a saint whom Pellicier appears to have venerated rather more than his own founder. The length of the novitiate was set at one year and the acceptance of any religious wishing to transfer from other religious orders was forbidden. The latter pro hibition had originally been stated in chapter 40 of the Rule. It is noteworthy that particular mention is here made of 'parasites coming from the mendicant orders' who are absolutely, under no circumstances whatsoever, to be ad mitted. This specific bias against the mendicants may well have been prompted by the franciscan struggle which was raging at the time and which had effectively divided that Order into two rival factions, the 'zealots' or 'spirituals' and the 'conventuals'. Quite a few of the friars sought to transfer to other groups of religious as the result of this schism. The grandmontine notion of poverty, although well watered down by this time, may still have appealed to some among the franciscan 'spirituals'. Their presence among the Grandmontines could have proved embarrass ing if not downright dangerous, for their insistence on the poverty of Christ was closely akin to the teachings of St Stephen of Muret himself. As recently as 1323, Pope John XXII had condemned the teaching of the 'spirituals' and declared it heretical to assert that Christ and pis apos tles held no property whatsoever.

The disciplinary sanctions introduced in 1329 are a sad indication of increasing decadence, for it became necessary to remind the brethren that they might not leave their monasteries without having first sought permission, and never at night. A whole string of contraventions are listed: absenteeism, involvement in commercial deals, fraternisa tion with the wealthy and influential. It was even found necessary to forbid the sons of St Stephen to consult for tune tellers! A novel offence makes its appearance at this time; the direct result of the reconstitution of the Order. It would appear that some of the brothers were leaving the priories to which they had been officially assigned in1317,

preferring to dwell in one or other of the united cells, where presumably they could enjoy a fuller measure of independence and freedom out of sight of the prior and removed from his authority. The familiar warning that brothers must not alter their habits to suit their taste had also to be reiterated.

When Abbot Pellicier died in 1337, he left behind an efficient and stable institution. His successor, Pierre Au bert, belonged to a thoroughly ecclesiastical family. His brother would in due course become Pope Innocent VI and he himself was uncle to two future cardinals. In company with his predecessor, he had all the qualities which distin guish a good superior; he was pious, learned, calm, and detached in his judgments. Nothing serious occurred to disturb his peaceful years in office. The most notable change resulted from a bull issued by Pope Clement VI in 1346, which made some adjustment to the hierarchical relationship existing between abbot and priors, some of whom had never been happy at the extent to which the affairs of their houses were regulated by a distant superior. At their instigation, Clement VI restored some measure of the autonomy they had enjoyed before the reconstitution of 1317 had placed them firmly under the direction of the abbot. In time this slight slackening of the reins would lead to further relaxations.

Clement VI also decreed that the number of definitors be once again augmented, this time to a total of nine. It was required that four be chosen from among the monks at tached to the mother house, while the remaining five were to be selected from the daughter houses. He also ordered that the superiors of the thirty-nine priories select capable administrators to govern the united cells in their charge. The abbot himself was required to see to it that these houses were subjected to visitation once every three years, but in order to avoid unnecessary expenditure he was not bound to undertake this task personally but could appoint a suitable delegate in his place. Both he and his representa-

tives were instructed that their stay in any given house should never exceed three days. In the course of visita-• tions, the visitors were required to assist the senior monks of the house in questioning and examining any novices. They were furthermore instructed to be ruthless in dis missing any among them who seemed incapable or who did not show a genuine vocation for the grandmontine life. On the death or demission of a prior, the abbot might select two of his valuables or horses for himself, and his entitle ment to the annual payments from the daughter houses was confirmed. In1295, the total amount of such payments had been fixed at1,104 livres, but it was subsequently raised to1,370.3 All such contributions had to be submitted in the course of the General Chapter held each year at the mother house, and it was firmly laid down that under no circum stances could the abbot attempt to raise any further sub sidies. A further privilege left the abbot free to choose which prelate he wanted to confirm and bless him in office. Another and somewhat more controversial right permitted him to appoint the priors of the first four houses which became vacant after his election.

Abbot Aubert died shortly after this papal intervention, and when his brother became Pope Innocent VI five years later, in December 1352, he granted all future abbots of Grandmont the right to the mitre in memory of his brother. He also gave them the authority to confer minor orders and administer a solemn pontifical blessing when visiting the houses of the Order.

For some obscure reason, Pierre Aubert's successor, Jean Chabrit, was not nominated by the General Chapter in the usual way but owed his election as abbot to the direct intervention of Pope Clement VI. Despite the conflict which might have resulted from this irregular appointment, not to mention the infringement of the right of each priory to nominate its own prior, the rule of the third abbot of Grandmont was without incident. Although the Constitu tion regulating grandmontine life at this time was clearly

monastic in flavour, one of Abbot Chabrit's letters, sent from Tours in1354, contains the information that the clercs were wearing both surplices and almuces to choir 'like canons'. This statement would in due course provide evi dence for those wishing to assert that the grandmontines had always been intended as an order of regular canons rather than monks.

Abbot Chabrit died in 1356, to be succeeded by Ademar Crespi, and shortly after his election the interlude of calm came to an abrupt end. The years of turmoil which fol lowed were attributable to external causes associated with the Hundred Years' War. The first phase, which broke out in 1337 and concluded with the Treaty of Calais in 1361, mainly affected the countryside to the north of the Loire. While the priories and cells situated in Anjou and Nor mandy reaped some ill effects, both Grandmont and the houses to the south did not suffer at all. When, however, hostilities were renewed in 1369, the Order of Grandmont did not escape so lightly. The advances through France led by John of Gaunt and Robert Knollys, while they achieved little in the way of military advantage, nevertheless devas tated the countryside and left a trail of despoiled and plundered townships, castles, and monasteries in their wake. The French, having learned their lessons at Crecy and Poiters, ceased taking the offensive and successfully barricaded themselves in castles and walled towns which were beyond the powers of the English wholly to under mine and destroy. When Edward m made himself master of Aquitaine in 1363, he gave the Order of Grandmont a charter of protection and confirmed all its privileges. In 1370, however, the city of Limoges previously allotted to Charles v, fell to the Black Prince after a long and brutal siege. The english armies completely overran the Lim ousin, laying waste farms and villages and pillaging churches and religious houses. All the villages in the im mediate vicinity of Grandmont were sacked and burned. Then the victorious soldiers turned their attentions to the

mighty stronghold of St Leger la Montagne which they razed to the ground. Having made short work of the little local township of St Sylvestre, the marauding forces laid siege to the abbey of Grandmont. It comes as a somewhat poignant thought that, just two hundred years after a group of english workmen detailed by Henry II had helped to build up the great Abbey, another group of Englishmen were camped outside its walls intent on tearing them down. From all accounts they did not have as easy a task as they had anticipated. With the aid of the local inhabitants, the monks organised a strong defence which succeeded in prolonging the siege for some considerable time. But the English were led by two outstanding commanders, Sir Robert Knollys and Sir John Chandos. Eventually, the valiant efforts of the small army of locals who had rallied to the support of the monks proved of little avail against these thorough professionals with all the forces and equipment at their disposal. Grandmont was taken and when the English finally retired, the church and a major part of the conventual buildings were in ruins. Many daughter houses suffered in the same way.

When the Black Prince returned to England in 1371, broken in both health and reputation, he left the French in a position to take advantage of an english failure to consoli date their victories effectively by occupying most of the lands they had won. In 1373, Charles v once more made himself master in Aquitaine and thus was in a position to reaffirm the privileges of the Order. He further exempted both the mother house and those other priories situated within his territory from taxes, to enable them to make good the damages and losses they had incurred as the result of the fighting. Unfortunately, such concessions did little to alleviate the extremely miserable condition of the monks. The concluding years of Ademar Crespi's abbacy were singularly woeful and wearisome and whilst he la boured to restore the fortunes of the Order his efforts were of little avail. When death overtook him in 1379, he must

have been a saddened and disillusioned man. Circum stances at this time were such that he was not even able to be buried at Grandmont alongside his predecessors at the entrance to the choir. At the priory of Bandouille in the departement of Deux Sevres, there is a tombstone with the figure of a mitred abbot carved upon it. This is said to have covered the tomb of Abbot Crespi interred at the priory.

The English Houses and the Hundred Years' War

The english houses had already been marginally affected by a wave of xenophobia directed against the 'alien' pri ories since the reign of Edward I. Between the years 1295 and 1303, the properties of various communities of french religious had been confiscated by the crown, and Edward 11 pursued the same policy as the result of the war of St Sardos in1324. When Edward III came to the throne he in turn seized foreign monasteries after1337. In practice, such confiscations involved no more than the appointment of a crown custodian to watch over the monks and make sure that they were not spying for the enemy. Custodians were expected to appropriate all rents and revenues due to the monks and having deducted sufficient to provide them with the bare necessities of life to forward the remainder to the Exchequer. Craswall Priory in Herefordshire was seized in 1341, but according to the Calendar of Letters Close for the years1343-46, there were not sufficient funds available to pay a yearly rent to the Exchequer and at the same time to cater for the needs of the brethren. In 1342, Edward III gave the priory into the keeping of its guardian, Bartholomew de Burghersh, free of rent on condition that he provide for the needs of the brethren.4 In these very reduced circumstances, Craswall managed to survive for a century until Henry VI, desiring to assist the universities to recover something of their former glory, seized all 'alien' priories still available. Craswall was among these and was given by the king to God's House, later united with Christ's College, Cambridge.5 Alberbury, the sister priory

of Craswall in Shropshire, was similarly disposed of to All Souls' College, Oxford.6

Grosmont, in Yorkshire, the third grandmontine priory, fared somewhat better and was able to survive a century longer than the other two english houses. Following an enquiry in 1344, the escheator for the county reported that all nine brothers in residence were of english nationality, but that they were bound to pay a yearly contribution to the mother house in France. The lands and livestock did not provide a reasonable living for these brothers who, despite the fact that they dispensed hospitality to all those in need, were forced themselves to depend on alms to supplement their meagre income.

Grosmont was released from custody as the result of this

report. When war with France was again renewed during the reign of Richard n, Pierre Redondeau, abbot of Grand mont from 1388 until 1437, visited England; it has been suggested that he came in the dual capacity of religious superior and ambassador of the king of France. Realising the hopelessness of recovering anything from the impov erised daughter houses, he resolved to sell them if possi ble. In 1394, when this course of action failed to lead anywhere, he renounced all rights to Grosmont in favour of a certain John Hewett.7 All connections between the mother house and the daughter houses in England appear to have terminated at this point. In 1360, Grosmont had suffered from a serious fire which destroyed the church and most of the priory buildings. In this sorry state it can have been of little interest to the Crown as a prospective source of revenue. Pope Innocent VI (1352-62) granted an indulgence to any who visited the church and gave alms on certain major feast days, and thus the house eked out a precarious existence until its dissolution along with the other lesser priories in the1530s.

Although the english houses had ceased paying annual contributions to the mother house, the abbots of Grand mont continued to nominate the priors for a considerable

while after the houses were subjected to partial custody. In 1317, they had not been included among the thirty-nine priories designated by Pope John XXII, but instead had been united with the mother house, which explains why the abbots continued to take a hand in their affairs. In 1359, Abbot Crespi intervened to depose John Cublington, a brother originally of Grosmont who had persuaded the abbot to nominate him prior of both Alberbury and Craswall. Cublington had been found guilty of several rather startling crimes which included seriously wounding one of the brothers and 'accidently' killing a woman named Alice Peckenhall.8 Abbot Crespi appointed Robert Newton prior in his place at Alberbury and made him english superior with power to appoint the priors of Craswall and Grosmont. Newton was instructed to submit all three houses to an annual visitation, either personally or by means of a trusted representative. England then ap pears to have been infected by the hereditary grandmon tine disease when, five years after being elected, Robert Newton died and two rival candidates vied with one an other for his position. Abbot Crespi intervened once again and enlisted the help of the archdeacons of Coventry, Stafford, and Shrewsbury to hold an inquiry and restore the rightful prior of Alberbury.9 This incident marked the last recorded contact between the english houses and the mother house before 1370, when hostilities broke out again and Grandmont itself became part of the theatre of war.

The Elected Abbots 1379-1471

Aimeric Fabri succeeded Ademar Crespi as fifth abbot of Grandmont and ruled through one of the most tragic de cades in grandmontine history. During this time the trials and tribulations affecting the mother house knew no bounds. Eventually, things got so bad that it is recorded that the monks were forced to abandon their abbey to french soldiery whilst they themselves went out to seek a means of livelihood.10

Throughout the 1380s, the routiers, bands of partisan soldiers, roamed and terrorised the countryside. Whilst these wild undisciplined hordes purported to owe alleg iance sometimes to the king of France, sometimes to the king of England, in reality they were concerned with little beside their own personal gain. It proved impossible to govern a religious order from a devasted mother house in such conditions, and when Ramnulphe Ithier was elected sixth abbot by common consent of the brethren, he was unable to take up residence at Grandmont and chose in stead to remain at the priory of Bois Rahiers near Tours. This was where the General Chapter was held in 1386, the year following his election, and in the two years of his rule he never managed to enter Grandmont. When he died in Avignon in1388, his body was buried in that city instead of being transported to Grandmont to be interred in its right ful place beside his predecessors. The previous abbot, Aimeric Fabri, had similarly been buried in front of the high altar at the priory of Bois d' Allonne.11

Following Abbot Ithier's death, Pope Clement vn per sonally nominated as his successor Jean Rallet, even though the General Chapter had put forward Pierre Re dondeau as their candidate. Mercifully, Jean Rallet de clined the office on his own account and so the Grandmontines were spared a further schism. Clement vn, the antipope and rival to Urban VI, agreed to uphold the General Chapter's decision and confirmed the election of Pierre Redondeau. The seventh abbot of Grandmont was destined to rule for almost half a century. A thoroughly exceptional character, Redondeau proved himself to he a very capable administrator while at the same time he ac quired the reputation for being a pious and zealous monk, anxious to uphold the Rule to the best of his ability. Him self an ardent scholar, he became the Order of Grand mont's first great educator, encouraging the deres whenever possible to proceed to higher studies. He him self had a doctorate in utroque and before his promotion had

served both King Charles VI and his son Charles VII as chaplain and counsellor. Immediately after his election, he tackled the prodigious task of setting the affairs of the Order to rights, and shouldered the enormous financial burden associated with repairing the extensive damage inflicted by the war. Indeed, the abbacy of Redondeau would have proved a wholehearted success, a period asso ciated with years of peace, renewal and prosperity, if the war had not taken so heavy a toll. The wounds inflicted had been deep and could not be healed quickly and easily. Money problems plagued Redondeau continually and hin dered all his attempts at reconstruction.

Insufficient funding was the cause of an unpleasant incident which has always overshadowed any of Redon deau's positive achievements. His integrity was called into question at the time and he has been reproached by critics ever since. The root cause of the matter was the Council of Pisa which the Abbot was summoned to attend by the pope in 1409. Unable to raise sufficient funds to pay his ex penses, he pawned the famous relic of the True Cross which had been given to the Order by King Amaury of Jerusalem. He was never able to redeem it and all his subsequent actions were coloured by this failure. The relic itself was to change hands several times and increase enor mously in value before being returned to its rightful home seventy years later. It was King Louis XI who called a halt to any further traffickings by personally paying off the credi tors and restoring the relic to Grandmont on condition that it should never be allowed to leave the church again.

The end result of this incident was that Abbot Redon deau has been rather unfairly blamed for all the laxities and lapses from the Rule which occurred during his long term of office. In fact, there were no major scandals or breaches of discipline during this time. The relaxations and general watering down of monastic usages which Redondeau had to contend with were no more than those which have come to be recognised as universal ills affecting many monas-

162 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

teries of the time. Redondeau would appear to have done all in his power to check the various concessions which were introduced before they went too far. For example, whilst abstinence from meat had become generally more common in the breach than the observance, Redondeau insisted that it be enforced on Wednesdays as well as Fridays. While he was forced to give way to the spirit of the times and allow the brethren to keep their own personal possessions, he nevertheless insisted that they be pro duced for the prior's inspection once a year. At a time associated with violence and unrest, journeys were not without their attendant dangers. Religious in general had taken to travelling armed with swords or daggers to protect themselves from the thieves and assassins they might en counter on the roads. Redondeau surely cannot be re proached for permitting Grandmontines to adopt this rather controversial practice. Despite the compromises to which he was obliged to agree, Redondeau took care that the essential constitutions were rigidly adhered to. He made sure that the General Chapters were held regularly and was responsible for a great deal of the sensible and efficient legislation which ensured the smooth running of the daughter houses. He it was who instituted the practice of appointing sub-priors in each priory to oversee the day to day running of the house and ensure that discipline was maintained in the absence of the prior himself. He found time to keep a watchful and fatherly eye on the twelve student brothers who, in accordance with the bull of John XXII, attended universities. He saw to it that all dues from the daughter houses were paid in time and he himself visited the houses of the Order regularly including, it would seem, the english houses.

A further accusation has been directed at Abbot Redon deau which has cast additional doubts on his character. The substance of this particular criticism proved to be a bitter foretaste of things to come. Not long after his election at Avignon in1378, Pope Clement VII permitted him to hold

in commendam Chavanon, the house which he had gov erned as prior. Thirty years later in1409, the Council of Pisa deposed both the roman and avignese popes and elected the Franciscan Alexander v. The attempt to wind up the schism was a failure but the short-lived Alexander v, apart from conferring numerous privileges on his own Order, also awarded Abbot Redondeau a second priory in commen dam. This time it was the important northerly house of Pare les Rouen. It has been said that Redondeau actively per suaded both popes to confer these titles and their attendant benefits upon him.12 If this was the case it still does not detract from the fact that in 1398 Abbot Redondeau inher ited an institution sick in both mind and body, and that during the period of his rule both the fortunes and reputa tion of the Order were greatly revived and enhanced.

A very surprising election occurred as the result of Abbot Redondeau's death in 1437. Guillaume de Fumel, the eighth and last of the freely elected abbots before the imposition of the commendatory system, was not even a Grandmontine. He became a benedictine monk at the ab bey of Tulle, and was appointed master of novices at the celebrated abbey of St Martial at Limoges before being sent to rule Rossac as prior. While the appointment of an out sider to the office of abbot was totally at variance with the grandmontine Constitution, the General Chapter appears to have been ready to make an exception in de Fumel's case, seemingly because he was so warmly recommended by both the king and other high ranking personages. Nota ble among these were two relatives of the abbot-elect, the Captain de Poton de Xaintrailles who fought alongside Joan of Arc and, de Tandonet de Fumel, captain of Chalucet. A further schism within the Order was mer cifully avoided when the rival candidate, Pierre Brussac, prior of Bois de Vincennes died almost immediately after being nominated by the rival faction gathered at the priory of Petit-Bandouille in the diocese of Poitiers. Conse quently, the election of the ex-Benedictine was imme-

diately confirmed by Pope Engenius IV and peace, which had momentarily hung in the balance, was secured. In fact, Guillaume de Fumel confirmed his reputation for being a diligent and pious monk, although it has been said of his administration that he was inclined to be over-ambitious and somewhat authoritarian in his dealings with those under his command. This would seem natural enough in a man who was already experienced in diplomacy. Before becoming abbot, he had been entrusted with delicate state missions by popes and king alike. He certainly brought both his professional and diplomatic talents along with some downright benedictine practicality to bear on his government of the Order of Grandmont. The firmness and wisdom of his decision making proved very much to the advantage of the Order. Under his direction, the Grand montines were able toenjoy an extended period of compar ative peace and prosperity. He it was who undertook the outstanding major repair work necessary to restore the building of the abbey. His piety was such that following his death he was unofficially styled 'The Venerable'.

Abbot Guillaume de Fumel did not die in office but was 'persuaded' to tender his resignation in1470, and with his untimely demission the Order of Grandmont fell prey to all the evils of the commendatory system.

Commendatory Abbots 1471-1596

Professor David Knowles has said of the commendatory system that it was 'a plague which blighted monastic life both in flower and fruit'.13 Originally the term signified an official who was appointed as a caretaker to a monastery until such a time as a rightful ruler could be appointed or restored. It was subsequently developed by the popes as a convenient method of rewarding those who had served them well in some capacity or other. During the papal residence at Avignon (1309-77) and especially during the schism which ensued (1379-1417) both popes and anti popes used commendatory appointments widely to assure

themselves of faithful supporters scattered throughout Eu rope. The system really started to degenerate when the pope awarded the power to grant abbeys and priories in commendam to secular rulers. No longer was a commenda tory superior required to be a monk himself. Secular churchmen, cardinals, and bishops might be appointed, even lords and nobles who were not clerics at all. The system sank to its lowest ebb when children under twelve years of age began to be appointed to such offices. In theory, a commendatory abbot was expected to administer and protect his monastery and care for its monks. In real ity, the conscientious among them provided for the basic needs of the brethren while retaining all additional reve nues for their own personal profit; the worst were so motivated by greed that they totally impoverished the monasteries in their charge. The Grandmontines actually fared notably better under the commendatory system than did the other religious orders in France. None of their imposed rulers perpetrated any serious harm and one in particular, Guillaume Briconnet, had a beneficial effect upon Grandmont, no less than the daughter houses which he assisted to recover their fortunes. Another commenda tory appointment was that of Armand-Jean de Bouthillier de Rance to the priory of Boulogne. He subsequently left to become a Cistercian at the abbey of la Trappe which he also held in commendam and eventually became the founder of the reformed, popularly titled 'Trappist', branch of that Order. It is interesting to speculate just how different the subsequent history of the Grandmontines might have been, had de Rance chosen to remain at Boulogne and devote his inspiration and remarkable gift for organisation to the benefit of the Grandmontines rather than the Cister cians.

It was Jean de Bourbon, Dulce of the Auvergne who, in

1471., employed threats in order to oust Guillaume de Fumel from office in favour of his brother, Cardinal Charles de Bourbon, Archbishop of Lyons. This particular prelate

seems to have collected commends wholesale, for he held five other abbeys, including the vast mother house of Cluny along with four important priories one of which was the cluniac house of la Charite sur Loire. He further held several ecclesiastical appointments apart from his own archbishopric, and it is not surprising to discover that he never actually set foot in Grandmont. Nevertheless, the abbey did not fare badly under this first commendatory abbot. Charles de Bourbon made an inspired choice in his appointment of a vicar general in the person of Jean Cay rolis, ex-prior of Viaye in the Upper Loire region. Cayrolis was a holy and gentle monk under whose inspiration and guidance the Order of Grandmont prospered. General Chapters continued to be convened regularly and one in particular, held in 1473, is of interest in having been more than usually concerned with regularising the monks' dress.14 The imposition of stringent laws governing cloth ing was an all too frequent concern of religious superiors in the fifteenth century, a time when more monks than usual appear to have been indulging their fancies as to what best constituted monastic attire. The Grandmontines had to be instructed that the main garment, the tunic or cassock, should always be stitched up to the neck. That is to say,it had to be donned by pulling it over the head. At least once before the Grandmontines had been admonished both for wearing fashionable shirts and for casually baring their chests. Although the earliest reference to dress, in the Custumal of the 1170s, mentions leather belts, by the fif teenth century these were replaced by woollen girdles which the statute of 1473 specifically states must be of wool and not silk. The brothers were further forbidden to wear what are termed 'little habits' except for work and when journeying on horseback. Presumably the garb referred to was a shortened, less ample and hence more comfortable, version of the habit which was itself required to be longus, largus et honestus. The General Chapter further found it necessary to rule out smartly polished shoes with fashiona-

bly pointed toes as well as the use of hats, except when riding. Hoods were ordered to be made of cheap material and never, under any circumstances, of silk. All the breth ren were expected to retain the tonsure, the style of which was strictly regulated: the hair permitted to grow no longer than the space of three fingers over the forehead and just two around the crown.

In1477, Cardinal Charles de Bourbon exchanged Grand mont for the bishopric of Clermont. Antoine Allemand, who received Grandmont, was a doctor of law and both bishop of Cahors and representative of the king of France to the court of Rome. Unlike his immediate predecessor, he did reside at Grandmont fairly often but, needless to say, his official business was such that he was quite content to leave all administrative concerns in the capable hands of the Vicar General, Jean Cayrolis.

The Grandmontines were exceptionally fortunate in their eleventh abbot, the third to hold Grandmont in com mendam, for he turned out to be a truly remarkable and dutiful leader. Guillaume Brii;:onnet came from a well to do but simple bourgeois family in the city of Tours. He had risen as the result of his own efforts in the world of com merce to become eventually superintendent of finance to King Charles VII. He had been married but his wife died when he was still comparatively young and he then re solved to enter the Church. Once ordained, his career recommenced along new lines. He was nominated bishop of St Malo and the pope appointed him his legate in France and sent him a cardinal's hat.

On 22 October 1496, a dramatic event occurred at Grand mont when the Cardinal Abbot Brii;:onnet celebrated his first solemn high Mass assisted by his two sons, the bishops of Meaux and Lodeve, acting as deacon and sub deacon respectively. Needless to say, the church was packed for the event and could not contain the whole of the vast crowd which had gathered to witness this family celebration. Guillaume, one of the sons, had been raised to

episcopal rank when he was only eighteen years of age and in 1499, three years after this momentous event, he re ceived the priory of Pinel near Toulouse in commendam. He proceeded to discharge this office as conscientiously and responsibly as his father did at Grandmont. All in all, the Bri«;onnets were a remarkable family.

The Cardinal Abbot worked tirelessly and unceasingly to renew some of the ancient splendour of his abbey while at the same time he saw to it that the monks kept up the regular observance of the Rule. He personally appointed the officials charged with the annual visitation of the daughter houses and he was present at and supervised the General Chapter's deliberations in 1497. On the practical side, he undertook an extensive programme of repairs throughout the houses of the Order and he furthered the work of restoration at Grandmont itself. The years during which he held office were crowned with success and he might well have led the Order to even greater achievements if he had not resigned his office after only eleven years.

There exists to this day a remarkable souvenir of Cardi nal Bri«;onnet's years of office in the form of a silver reliqu ary, a hollowed head representing St Stephen of Muret whose cranium it was commissioned to contain. Amaz ingly, this important item from the treasury of the abbey survived the Revolution and is still preserved·in the parish church of St Sylvestre. The head has an air of strength, nobility, and yet austerity and the eyes reflect serenity and compassion. Unfortunately, the bust which originally sup ported the head disappeared during the Revolution but from the description contained in the final inventory made at the abbey by agents of the clerical commission in1771, it was covered with twelve silver panels. Four of these were emblazoned with the Cardinal's various coats of arms in enamel work, whilst the remainder depicted scenes from the life, death, and translation of St Stephen. This precious grandmontine relic is still brought out every year and

borne in procession around the site of the abbey on the final Sunday in August.

In 1507, Cardinal Sigismond de Gonzague, of St Marie la-Neuve, became the fourth commendatory abbot, but he was to resign just six years later and his term of office proved singularly uneventful. In 1509, his Vicar General, Nicholas de Grasset summoned the last General Chapter of the Order destined to be held for more than a century. No subsequent Chapter was held until 1643, an incredible gap of one hundred thirty-four years.

The next four abbacies proved even less remarkable. Charles Dominique de Carrest, archbishop of Sens and later of Tours, held Grandmont as a benefice for a mere two years and was replaced in August 1515 by Cardinal Nicolas de Flisc, bishop of Albe. He in turn resigned four years later in favour of Cardinal Sigismond de Gonzague who had already held the abbacy from 1507 until 1513. Thus, in somewhat bizarre fashion, the twelfth abbot of Grandmont was re-installed in 1519 and ruled as fifteenth abbot until 1525. It was just eight days before his death that, with the approval of Pope Celement v-, he relinquished his abbacy in favour of Frarn;:ois de Neufville I.

On account of the religio-political circumstances prevail ing at the time of his election, the sixteenth abbot was not able to assume control of Grandmont with the same facility as his immediate predecessors. The cessation of hostilities between the English and French in 1453 had opened the way for a period of monastic revival and renewal. Never theless, the process of recovery from so much devastation and dispersal had proved an arduous and lengthy affair. In addition, the mild attempts at a reform within the religious orders in general had barely taken effect when the com mendatory system with all its attendant evils was un leashed upon the monasteries of France. Now, just prior to de Neufville's election, the Concordat between Francis 1 and Pope Leo x, signed in1516, formalised the commenda tory system and effectively gave the king the right to

nominate candidates for all abbatial vacancies. Under the circumstances, it is small wonder that all attempts at disci plinary reform broke down completely and several of the ancient monasteries went so far as to seek and achieve secularisation. The Grandmontines, while they had not suffered as seriously as their religious counterparts in other Orders, had nonetheless been subjected to the unsettling effects of a rapid succession of rulers since 1507, and were no doubt feeling something of the bitter resentment which the Concordat of 1516 generally provoked. In November 1525, in defiance of the papal decision, they asserted their ancient right to elect their own abbot and nominated Oaude de Laygue. Once again the scene was set for grand montine schism and once again the situation was avoided by death, for de Laygue did not survive long enough to pursue his claim. The discontent which provoked this action must have been fermenting in the ranks of the brethren of Grandmont for some time, because de Neuf ville seems to have been well aware of its existence and was prepared to counteract any attempts to challenge his elec tion. His contingency arrangements are all too apparent in the papal brief which was issued on 13 October 1525. This approved the resignation of Abbot Sigismond and con firmed de Neufville's appointment as abbot. The text then continued to warn the monks against attempting to elect an alternative candidate, because any nomination they might make would be automatically null and void and the per petrators of the deed excommunicated. Thus the half hearted attempts of the monks to assert their rights did no more than delay matters, and Francois de Neufville I was not able to commence his long abbacy until the September of the following year, 1526.

The Annals of the Order are ominously quiet throughout the abbacy of Francois de Neufville I. There is no entry at all between the year of his election and 1534, and a further silence throughout the years 1548 till 1561, when he re signed in favour of his nephew. During this time no Gen-

eral Chapters were held and the period represents a time of somewhat uneasy calm as a prelude to the storm of the Huguenot uprising, when sorrows were once again to be heaped upon the longsuffering Order of Grandmont.

The general disquiet which permeated religious life at this time finds dramatic utterance in a curious and strangely prophetic story which was recorded by the monk Pardoux de la Garde. This subsequently found a place in numerous accounts of the history of the Order. The anec dote foretells not only the destruction of the Order itself but predicts the Revolution which was to follow in its wake. In1536 a certain brother named Charles Cadumpnat was seated in the cloister in company with the master of novices. Suddenly he voiced a fervent prayer to St Stephen whom he hailed:

Illustrious confessor of Jesus Christ, King of kings, the glory of the Auvergne: Woe and betide the day when the

mighty tree shall be uprooted, ruin, tribulation and desola tion will surely follow.15

Under the year1534, the Annals record the dissolution of the english houses of Craswall, Alberbury, and Escaledale (Grosmont), adding that the homeless brethren sought refuge at Grandmont.16 As we noted above,17 Alberbury and Craswall had already been suppressed as 'alien' pri ories by King Henry VI and Grosmont alone survived by going 'denizen'. In fact, Grosmont was not finally dis banded until1539, at which time the following five brothers are listed: James Egton (aged 68), Lawrence Bird (50), William Semer (36), Edmund Skelton (36) and Robert Hol land (31). The last two on the list definitely remained in Yorkshire and turned up at an official inquiry into their pensions held in 1553. At this time, the commissioners noted that a certain 'James Ableson', whose pension was established at £4, did not put in an appearance. As this name does not appear on the original list, it is likely that he was confused with James Egton. Additionally, as his pen sion was considerably larger than that awarded to the other

two brothers, who received just 66s 8d each, it seems possible that he was the prior. If this were in fact the case, at the time of the official inquiry he would have been over eighty years of age and his failure to appear can be attrib uted to death or debility.18 It would be nice to think that the tradition which found its way into the Annals had some basis in fact, and that the two brothers whose nonap pearance at the 1553 inquiry is not accounted for did find sanctuary at the mother house, but regrettably no evidence has come to light to support such a claim.

In 1561, Frarn;:ois de Neufville II took over from his uncle

and became the seventeenth abbot as well as the ninth and last of the abbots to hold office in commendam. He also became the first of the new line of regular abbots for, in May1579, King Hemi m gave his assent to the Ordinance of Blois which decreed that the abbots of the mother houses of orders such as Cluny, Citeaux, Premontre, and Grand mont, should no longer be appointed by an outside au thority, but chosen from the ranks of the religious in accordance with canonical constitutions.

As it transpired, the last of the commendatory abbots

was himself a Grandmontine. Fran ois de Neufville II had entered the order in 1546 and made his profession at the abbey in 1553. Once installed as abbot, he did his best to protect the temporalities of the Order especially when he was forced to defend the abbey against Huguenot assaults. Like the seventh abbot, Pierre Redondeau, who pawned the relic of the True Cross, Fran ois II has been much reproached for his decision to sell off a considerable num ber of items from the treasury. This action became neces sary in 1589 or 1590 when incessant fighting, associated with the Wars of Religion, laid waste much of the country side and the sale was necessary in order to support the monks in his charge. Nevertheless, his decision was much criticised at the time by certain of the brethren and, in particular, the grandmontine chronicler, Pardoux de la Garde, who made careful notes on it in his writings. When

Pardoux died in 1591, Abbot de Neufville, who survived him by five years, ordered his manuscripts burned. A seventeenth-century monk has noted on one of the two manuscripts which escaped destruction: 'the books were burned by Francois de Neufville, Abbot of Grandmont, because their author committed falsehood.'19 The anony mous monk's comment is not without some measure of irony, for in one of the two surviving manuscripts, 'Antiq uites de Grandmont', can be found the spurious descrip tion of the church of Grandmont IT which led Sir Alfred Clapham to the conclusion that all the daughter houses of the Order were modelled on that of the mother house.20 Of the surviving works of Brother Pardoux de la Garde, the benedictine historian, Dom Jean Becquet has said: 'they cast more confusion than light on the origins of the Order'.21

It was during the abbacy of Francois de Neufville IT that the Order acquired its own college in Paris as the result of a rather odd set of circumstances. King Henri m was on the look-out for a convenient monastery in the Paris area in which to install a community of Hieronymite brothers he had brought from Poland when his eye happened upon the formerly important priory of Bois de Vincennes. By this time there were very few Grandmontines living there and it was sosuited to his purpose that he ordered the monks to relinquish it. By way of compensation, he gave them the College Mignon in the city, and ordered the abbot to see to it that it was kept constantly occupied with student monks attending the university.

Unfortunately, the attempt to revive some measure of learning within the Order met with little success. While the previous abbots, notably Allemand and Briconnet had la boured to send the requisite proportion of young religious to the universities of Paris, Angers, and Poitiers, as the sixteenth century progressed numbers within the Order declined to such an extent that it eventually became impos sible to satisfy the requirement. As a result, the Grand-

montines were once again saddled with their former, rather dubious distinction of being the religious Order with the least educated monks. Considering that when Abbot de Neufville died in 1596, there were only eight monks in residence at Grandmont, the problem of finding twelve students to satisfy Pope John xxrr's statutory requirement becomes understandable.

A further concern which occupied the seventeenth abbot during the troubled years of his tenure of office was the foundation of a new house of grandmontine nuns. In1576, with the authorisation of Pope Gregory xm, Abbot de Neufville n established a new community of nuns led by Anne de Neufville, a relative of his, at Cha.tenet. This was an ancient house of the Order situated to the south of Limoges but the religious life had long been extinguished there.

Throughout his time in office, Abbot de Neufville n was

forced to contend with the unrest and frequent outbreaks of violence associated with the Wars of Religion (1562- 1593). One of the greater sorrows which affected the monks at this time must surely have been when the Seigneur de Montcocu, descendant of the family which had granted the land for St Stephen's own little hermitage at Muret, as well as the land on which Grandmont itself stood, declared himself for the Protestant cause. They were forced on several occasions to fend off his assaults against the abbey, and when Francois de Neufville II died in 1596, he left the buildings once again in a sorry state, its walls caving in and the vaulting of the church threatening to tumble.

This was the scene of ruin and desolation which con fronted Francois Marrand when he became the eighteenth abbot in the same year. At the very moment of his election, the protestant troops led by the Seigneur Saint-Germain Beaupre were preparing to overrun the abbey. Despite the support lent by the Marquis d'Urfe, nephew of the late abbot, the huguenot commander, was able to carry through his attack and the newly elected abbot had barely

time to effect his escape with a small band of monks before the abbey fell. The ensuing destruction was appalling. The ancient treasures of the church along with all other valu ables were plundered. The great relic chests, the most outstanding feature of the church, were stripped of their precious metal, gems, and enamel before being smashed and their contents scattered. All the other furnishings and ornaments were ruthlessly destroyed before the assailants turned their attentions to removing the lead covering the roofs.

The Huguenots occupied the abbey until 1604, during which time many of the daughter houses were abandoned and the monks dispersed throughout France. The Order of Grandmont limped into the seventeenth century, its leader an exile from the mother house. Few of the daughter houses escaped some measure of the ravages inflicted by this disastrous civil strife. As early as 1567, the priory of Louye, near Dourdan, had been devastated by the Huguenots, its church sacked and its relics profaned. The destruction of its valuable and extensive historical archives was just one of the many tragedies inflicted on the Order. Vieupou, near Auxerre, was subjected to the same treat ment and partially burned. In the south near Toulouse, 1570 constituted the cruellest year in the history of the priory of Pinel. Not a village or church in the neighbour hood escaped the vindictive attentions of the Huguenots. Having carried off all the church valuables and ornaments they vandalised the fabric itself. Similar events were re enacted time and again throughout the length and breadth of France and few monasteries escaped the scourge of the Huguenots.

On 5 November 1598, Abbot Marrand, whose efforts in directing a group of partisans to combat the armed in truders had proved singularly ineffectual, led his small band of monks along with the local villagers in a procession to Muret, 'to appease the wrath of God'. At the same time the brothers decided between themselves that the abbot

was not sufficiently strong willed or capable of pursuing the warlike policy necessary to expel the Protestants and restore the fortunes of the Order. They therefore replaced him somewhat unceremoniously with Brother Rigaud de Lavaur. Marrand was, in all probability, not loathe to relin quish the cares of so demanding a leadership to a more energetic young man. Certainly the irregularly elected ab bot proved himself to be more active and proceeded to organise those of the local seigneurie who remained loyal to the catholic cause into an army capable of combatting the Huguenots. There followed a series of campaigns which were at first unsuccessful. Charles de Pierre-Buffiere, Vis count of Comborn and governor of the Limousin, at tempted in vain to drive the enemy from their stronghold. Then, the catholic lords of Montignac and Basseneuve attacked and managed to occupy the abbey for a time before the Huguenots redoubled their efforts and they were again forced to retire.

This inconclusive state might have been prolonged in definitely, had not the catholic leaders resorted to more desperate means of achieving their goal. In 1604, the deci sion was taken and the order given to bombard the abbey. The governors of la Marche and the Limousin brought up cannons and the walls of the abbey were eventually breached. A bloody battle followed which resulted in the total defeat of the huguenot forces who retreated in disar ray and were eventually driven right from the area. The battle was won, but at what price.

Grandmont was retaken in a state of complete ruin. Numerous of the daughter houses were in similar plight, ruined and containing but a few monks. Several had been wholly abandoned, and in some of them the grandmontine Rule was never again revived. A few houses were in due course relinquished to other religious institutions: Bois de Verdelais in the diocese of Bordeaux, for example, was given to the Celestines by Cardinal de Sourdis in 1627. At Pinel, which as we have seen, suffered exceptionally, there

was a half hearted attempt to reintroduce the grandmon tine life, but this failed and the house eventually passed to the youthful Society of Jesus. Recent excavations at this priory have produced evidence of the violence perpetrated during these unfortunate wars. One of the tombs in the church has proved to have been used for several hasty inhumations. Four of the skulls which were unearthed bore traces of ashes testifying to the violence with which their owners had met their end. A further tomb revealed a skeleton with a severe cranial injury, typical of an armed combat wound. 22 The cell of Charnes near Bourges was ruined and abandoned at the time and in this case there appears to have been no attempt to revive the religious life. Aulnoy, near Sens, was eventually handed over to a con gregation of franciscan Minims. Numerous other houses where the grandmontine life ceased can be found in the archaeological list of monasteries of the Order compiled by

J.R. Gaborit.23

The election of Rigaud de Lavaur as abbot in place of the rightfully elected Fram;:ois Marrand was generally recog nised as a necessary step given the circumstances prevail ing at the time. It was nevertheless highly irregular and as such had been officially invalidated by the Parlement of Paris in 1599. The matter was amicably resolved in 1603, however, when Marrand formally resigned, leaving Rigaud de Lavaur to be unanimously elected in his place. In June 1604 he was finally and officially installed by the bishop of Limoges as the nineteenth abbot of Grandmont, and the almost superhuman task of reconstruction began.

Dom Levesque, chief compiler of the Annals of the Or der, concluded his sixteenth-century entries with the words:

And so concluded the fifth century from the foun dation of the Order of Grandmont, known from the harsh yoke of the commendators as an age when iron entered into our souls and the millstone was bound about our necks. I pray this has now come to such an end that it may never again be visited upon us.24

NOTES

For 'De ratione officii ecclesiae Grandimontis; see Bee, 'La liturgie de l'Ordre de Grandmont', Ephemerides Liturgicae 76 (1962) pp. 146-61. The 'Liber de Doctrina Novitiorum' was edited by E. Martene and

U. Durand in 'Antiqua Statuta ordinis Grandimontensis', Thesaurus Novus anecdotorum 5 (Paris, 1717) cols. 1823-1844.

Pere J. Fouquet OMI and Frere Philippe-Etienne Histoire de L'Ordre de Grandmont (Chambray, 1985) p. 67.

Bullaire du Shninaire de Limoges, cited Gui, 'Destruction', p. 85. A brief of Pope John XXII gives full details of these payments. Of them, by far the lafgest contribution came from N.D. du Pare les Rouen and the smallest from Saint-Michel de Lodeve. See Lev, p. 289, and Gui, p. 85.

Calendar of Letters Patent 1343-1345, p. 437, cited by Graham,

English Ecclesiastical Studies, pp. 236-37.

Muniments of Christ's College, Cambridge, God's House Drawer

H. See also Calendar of Letters Patent 1461-1467 (London: Public Record Office) p. 217.

Calendar of Letters Patent,1431-1441, p. 565.

Rolls Patent 18, Richard Il, pt. i, m.11, cited Graham (note 4) p. 239

Ibid., 31Edward m pt. i, m. 24d, cited Graham pp. 237-38.

Archives of All Souls' College, Oxford, Alberbury Collection No.122.

Lev, p. 318.

R. Garraud, 'Essai sur le Prieure Grandmontain de Bandouille en Bressuirais', Extraits du Bulletin des Amis du Vieux-Bressuire 2 (1950-51) p.29.

Gui, p. 89.

D. Knowles, Christian Monasticism (World University Library, 1969) p. 121.

Lev, pp. 345-46.

Cited D. Seward, 'The Grandmontines - A Forgotten Order'

Downside Review 83 (1965) 264.

Lev, p. 376.

See above, p. 163.

The history and closure of Grosmont Priory has been treated in the following sources: J.C. Atkinson, History of Cleveland, part 2 (Barrow-in Furness, 1874) pp. 200-202; VCH Yorkshire, vol 3 (London, 1913) p. 194; Noreen Vickers, 'Grosmont Priory', The Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 56 (1984) 45-49.

'Libros quo combussit Franciscus de Vovilla, abbas Grandimontis, quia veritatem non celavit auctor.' Archives de la Haute Vienne, MSS 81, 82 of the Seminaire de Limoges Collection; cited in P. Bertrand de la Grassiere, Messieurs de Monneron, Mousquetaires du Roi et L'Abbaye de Grandmont (Limoges 1974) p. 16.

A.W. Oapham, 'Architecture of the Order of Grandmont' Archae ologia 75 (1926) 192-93.

Bee, 'Les Institutions de l'ordre de Grandmont au Moyen Age',

RMab 42 (1952) 33.

For details of the series of excavations which have been in pro gress at Pinel since 1979, see the annual reports, 1982 onwards, pub lished by L'Association Sportive des Etablissements Aeronautiques de Toulouse, Section Archeologique.

J.-R. Gaborit, L'Architecture de l'Ordre de Grandmont, vol. 2 (Un published thesis of the Ecole des Chartes, 1963) passim.

Lev, p. 379.

VII

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY REFORMS

THE ORDER OF GRANDMONT has often been depicted as an especially ill-fated institution which was sub jected to more than its fair share of misfortunes and

troubles. Be this as it may, the particular form of tribulation which afflicted the Grandmontines in the second half of the sixteenth century was certainly not unique to them. Few, if any of the religious houses of France were spared the misery arising from the destruction and devastation inflicted by Huguenot forces in the 1580s. Scenes resem bling those which occurred at Grandmont were enacted time and again as the religious houses of France were despoiled and laid waste. Of the sufferings of the Cister cians it has been vividly noted that:

When the wars of religion finally had come to an end, the Cistercian annals closed the history of that tragic era with the necrology of 180 abbeys, helpless victims of greed and violence.1

In1599, letters patent of King Henri IV evaluated the cost of the damage sustained at the mother house of Citeaux alone at 200,000 lives, a vast sum for the time.2

Problems associated with fund raising and supervising building and repair works were by no means the only ones confronting religious superiors as the seventeenth century

181

182 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

dawned. In spiritual terms there was also a great deal of reconstruction work to be done. While the charges of moral laxity levied by contemporary critics of the monks have always tended to be exaggerated, there can be little doubt that many communities were guilty of some measure of decadence and failure to observe their rule. Certain irregu larities can be blamed on the commendatory system, which had subjected the monks to the government of secular clerics and laymen and often deprived them of conscien tious religious superiors. In the absence of any effective spiritual guidance and example, it is not surprising that certain adverse criticisms were justified.

Once the religious wars had ceased, the parallel tasks of spiritual regeneration and material reconstruction began to be realised. Caught up in the tide of the Counter Reforma tion which was swirling through Christendom, religious superiors began implementing their own reforms. The de crees promulgated by the Council of Trent (1543-63) when, in its final session, it deliberated upon the religious life, had little effect because they depended too much on the good will of superiors. Nevertheless, the requirement that the monasteries of each region or province group them selves into congregations governed by general chapters effectively reduced the abuse of autocratic powers enjoyed by some superiors. In France this led to the formation of the benedictine congregations of St Vanne and St Maur. According to Professor David Knowles, the disciplined, scholarly Maurists were responsible for one of the 'golden epochs' of benedictine history.3 In the Cistercian Order, the desire for reform gave rise to the branch of the Strict Observance which was eventually led by Armand de Ran ce, former commendatory prior of the grandmontine pri ory of Boulogne.

The religious wars, inefficient government, and a gen eral disenchantment with the religious life had emptied the novitiate at Grandmont. Hence it was a greatly reduced number of professed religious who faced the immense task

of rebuilding both the mother house and the grandmontine image. Headed by their energetic abbot and no doubt encouraged by the notions of reform which were revitalis ing the monasteries of France, this noble little band applied themselves to their task.

From the very start, Abbot de Lavaur revealed his deter mination to effect a real and enduring return to the spirit of St Stephen and the Rule of Grandmont. While his efforts were ultimately doomed, he instigated an heroic and joyous revival of the primitive grandmontine ideals, pro longed under the guidance and leadership of a series of faithful and dedicated seventeenth-century superiors. Rigaud de Lavaur's contribution to the grandmontine re covery from ruin and demoralisation cannot be over em phasised. Desmond Seward's description of him as 'the saviour and restorer of the Order'4 is no exaggeration; the part he personally played in fostering the indian summer of Grandmont was immense.

The first task which confronted the abbot after his elec tion on 7 June 1604 involved ridding the abbey of the protestant troops still occupying part of the premises. The Huguenots were not entirely to blame for the financial ruin which menaced the mother house; catholic laymen no less than clerics had taken advantage of the confusion which reigned in the second half of the sixteenth century to feather their nests and in so doing had relieved the Order of various properties and possessions. The abbot enlisted the influential aid of the Jesuits in obtaining from Pope Paul v a formal brief which denounced the perpetrators of these trespasses and required the civil and ecclesiastical authori ties of Limoges and Clermont to effect the restitution of the properties of the Order. This business successfully com pleted, de Lavaur set about rebuilding a part of the abbey in which to house his small community. Once he had re established the mother house as his seat of government, the energetic abbot turned his attention to righting the affairs of the daughter houses.

184 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

As a preliminary measure, Dom Jean Pasquier, sub-prior of the house of Boulogne, was deputed to visit all the houses and present a full report on the state of affairs prevailing in each. Dom Pasquier carried out his task effi ciently and well. His report was painstaking and thorough but it made very sad reading indeed. The majority of the houses contained few religious and several had been to tally abandoned to their respective fates. A few had been occupied by religious of other congregations, and the abbot was forced to negotiate their recovery. His attempt to repossess the parisian house of Bois de Vincennes which, in the Middle Ages, had rivalled the mother house in importance, was doomed to failure. It remained irretrieva bly under the ownership of the Minims.

Dom Pasquier's report on the moral and spiritual welfare of those houses still inhabited by grandmontine commu nities was equally thorough. In matters of discipline, his observations revealed a novel and startling abuse in some of the cells which in the 1317 re-organisation of the Order had been made dependencies of some of the thirty-nine priories. The day- to-day management of such cells was the responsibility of a senior monk delegated by the prior of the ruling house. It appears that some such officers had not only severed all connection with the ruling priory and waived their obedience to its prior but they were also assuming the title of prior in their own right. Abbot de Lavaur was umelenting in his efforts to re-impose grand montine discipline on these nonconformist groups, but to no avail. The secession of such houses was a fa1t accompli; the abuse had been going on for so long that the spurious priors were able to vindicate their claims by reference to papal briefs which, however inadvertently, had authorised and perpetrated the illegality. The full impact of the re forming abbot's failure to remedy this situation and to re impose his authority on these rebellious houses would be felt only fifty years later, when it contributed to the state of almost complete anarchy to which the Order of Grand mont was reduced.

Abbot de Lavaur achieved a considerably greater success when he began to concern himself with matters of general discipline and custom. He ordered that the brethren with out exception wear the traditional habit, comprising a tunic and broad scapular with attached hood. By this time black had officially replaced the nondescript grey-brown worn by the monks in the Middle Ages. An entry in the Annals under the year 1605, which treats of this ruling, makes it appear that the more fashion conscious among the monks had once again been considerably modifying their attire. While the Grandmontines traditionally wore surplices to choir, they were not supposed to substitute elegant lace rochets with stylish collars. The Annals also refer to the appearance of fashionable birettas.5

It was firmly laid down that all, without exception, should conform to a regular life in community and, in particular, that all meals be taken in the refectory. In an effort to ensure that the reforming spirit be disseminated throughout the houses of the Order, Abbot de Lavaur invited a number of brothers of the same inclination as himself to spend some time at the mother house. Under his personal supervision, this nucleus of reformed brethren was thoroughly trained in the observance of the Rule. Once the abbot was satisfied with their progress, they were returned to their respective houses where, true to the spirit of their founder, they taught by example.

In his efforts to re-impose and maintain discipline throughout the Order, the fatherly but determined abbot obtained the king's authority to remove persistent trouble makers from their houses. Nor did he shrink from employ ing forceful lay assistance when it proved necessary.

In1623, Abbot de Lavaur obtained an ordinance from the Parlement of Paris which once again exempted the entire Order from episcopal control. An incident connected with this privilege is illustrative of de Lavaur's iron resolve. The bishop of Angers, for no other reason than the desire to assert his authority, had been meddling in the affairs of the

186 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

priory of La Haye. When some of the brethren dared to remonstrate with him, he ordered them to be imprisoned. On hearing what had happened, the abbot did not rest until he had secured the release of the unfortunate monks, and the whole affair had been settled in the interests of their monastery.

Despite all Abbot de Lavaur's efforts, the ruined state of the mother house and the lamentable finances of the Order prevented him from convening a General Chapter throughout his years of office. Nevertheless, he gathered the Statutes of Pope John XXII with the legislation passed by the two successive fourteenth-century General Chapters, and submitted the result to several distinguished clerics, who had been recommended to him for their wisdom and piety. Among these advisors who assisted de Lavaur in the re-codification of the Grandmontine Constitution, was the celebrated and saintly cleric Vincent de Paul, the founder of a society of missionary priests, the Lazarists, and co founder with Louise de Marillac of the famous Daughters (or Sisters) of Charity. Of this wise, compassionate and humble priest it has been said, 'there was no human suffer ing that he did not seek to relieve'.6 Vincent de Paul was eventually canonised by Pope Benedict XIV in 1737. Until his death in 1660, the future saint took a continuing and lively interest in the affairs of the Order of Grandmont. In particular he was to encourage and advise the greatest of the grandmontine reformers, Dom Charles Fremon, whom we shall meet in a moment.

Although it did not receive confirmation before the Gen eral Chapter held in 1643, twelve years after its compiler's death, the revised Constitution was immediately imple mented. While it was actually little more than a sensible updating of fourteenth-century customs, the enforcement of this resolute legislative code did much to curb the deca dence which had taken root in the order.

Before the outbreak of internal strife which disrupted the Order in the 1180s, the hermit monks of Grandmont had

been celebrated no less for their fervour and austerity than for the almost legendary charity they practised. The nine teenth abbot of Grandmont revived this fine tradition and became noted for his solicitude in caring for the poor and needy. Despite the cares associated with breathing new life into a spiritually weak institution and the practical prob lems involved in re-establishing it on a sound financial basis, he nevertheless made time to listen to and help all those who came to him in need. He is particularly remem bered for the aid he afforded to victims of the plague which decimated the countryside around Limoges in the course of his abbacy. In the city alone, the pestilence claimed a large number of victims before spreading to the villages and hamlets around Grandmont.7 This true son of St Step hen died unexpectedly of a stroke, which he suffered in 1631 while on a visit to his brother at the family home.

Fram;:ois de Tautal, the twentieth abbot, was elected on 15 April of the same year. He had served as novice master under Abbot de Lavaur whose aims and ideals he shared. Although his term in office proved to be remarkably short-only four years-he nevertheless made good use of this time in reinforcing and extending the reforms initiated by his predecessor. He travelled extensively in order to encourage the brethren in their efforts and he was gener ally liked for the tactful way in which he offered criticisms no less than for his gentleness in administering rebukes. It was in 1631, in the course of one of these visitations to the norman priory of Notre Dame du Pare near Rouen, that he made the acquaintance of a very remarkable monk whose actions were destined to have so great an impact upon the Order as a whole.

Charles Fremon was born in1611 into a well-to-do family of Tours, one of thirteen children. His younger brother, Alexandre, was the first of the two to enter the Order of Grandmont and, in due course, ruled as its twenty-third abbot general.

As youngsters Charles and Alexandre are said to have played at being hermits in the woods of Saint-Cosme near

188 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

their home. When Charles reached the age of twelve, his mother, in all probability sensing the inevitability of his vocation for the religious life, decided to send him to the prosperous benedictine abbey of Marmoutier, where one of her relatives was prior. Charles, aware that the disci pline was lax and the Rule only casually observed in this celebrated abbey, refused to go. By this time, Charles' father, who was employed in the king's service, had been accused of some malpractice connected with his charge and was imprisoned in Paris. He was to die, still in captiv ity, in 1622. Following her husband's arrest, Madame Fre mon no doubt felt the need to shift some of the heavy parental responsibility which had devolved on her alone. As Charles had turned down the opportunity of being educated for the benedictine life, she decided to pack him off to her brother's household at Nantes where, she hoped, he might learn something of the world of trade and com merce. Charles' religious vocation persisted, however, and when he heard that his brother had entered the grandmon tine priory of Bois Rahier, he resolved to follow him, but not as a choir monk. He wanted to be a lay brother.

Madame Fremon was horrified and refused to counte nance her son entering the religious life other than as an ordinand. There was stalemate until her confessor, a Cap uchin, intervened and suggested by way of compromise, that Charles be permitted to join his own strict branch of the Franciscan Order. The famed poverty practised by the Capuchins appealed to Charles and he agreed to join their novitiate at Blois. Regrettably, the life there was not suffi ciently austere for the young Charles who continued to be inspired by the example of St Stephen and yearned for a solitude as complete as his hero had experienced at Muret. Consequently, he left Blois and repaired to Orleans where he completed the secondary school studies he had aban doned when placed in the care of his uncle at Nantes. Two years later he again announced his intention of entering the grandmontine novitiate at Bois Rahier and this time his mother reluctantly gave her consent and her blessing.

Charles Fremon received the grandmontine habit on 27 October 1629, when he was just over eighteen years of age. At this time, although the spirit of renewal sparked off by Abbot de Lavaur was pervading the houses of the Order, recruitment was still at a very low ebb and there was a general lack of experienced, professed religious capable of filling responsible posts. Nothing emphasises this deficiency more vividly than the account of Brother Charles' novitiate in the 'Life' written by Dom Jean Baptiste Rochias around 1690. Dom Rochias knew his sub ject well and was one of the first to follow him when he started a branch aiming at the Strict Observance.

'The person who was responsible for the care of the novices,' wrote Dom Rochias 'was little suited to his task. He lacked experience, was easy-going in his attitude and totally unfit to lead novices along a road which he had never travelled himself.' For the education of the young monks, Dom Rochias tells us, a lay schoolmaster had to be employed to instruct the novices.8 Dom Rochias also recalls that after Charles had been in the novitiate for some months, and well before making his profession, the prior charged him with the care and instruction of the other novices. The prior of Bois Rahier at this time was Georges Barny, a wise and saintly monk; he later became one of the Order's great reforming abbots. He had obviously devel oped a high regard for the young novice, for he also entrusted him with the duties of porter. Traditionally this office was always allocated to a particularly experienced and discreet monk.

Charles Fremon was professed on 27 January 1631. He had already made a considerable reputation for himself on account of his piety and austerity. His keen devotion to St Stephen of Muret prompted him in his desire to live the Rule to the letter. His enthusiasm was by no means shared by all his contemporaries, some of whom regarded his behaviour as singular and began to resent him. At this point Dom Barny insisted that he pursue his studies for the

190 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

priesthood, an obligation which weighed heavily on the young monk who thirsted only for solitude. Aware of the crisis of conscience which his decision had provoked, Dom Barny wisely determined to satisfy Charles' ambition, at least for a while, and so he transferred him to the nearby priory of Bercey. Isolated in the depths of a vast forest, this priory was wholly in keeping with the ideal of the her mitage. Although Charles spent only a few months there, it was sufficient to renew his spiritual well-being, although his thirst for total seclusion from the world was to remain with him for the rest of his life.

On 14 March 1635, Charles Fremon was ordained to the diaconate, and in obedience to his superiors prepared for the priesthood which was conferred on him on 22 Septem ber of the same year. Meanwhile, Abbot de Lavaur, who had become aware of his reforming inclination transferred him to the priory of Notre Dame du Pare near Rouen. It was here that in 1631, during the official visitation of Abbot de Tautal, that Charles Fremon articulated his burning ambi tion to live in accordance with the primitive Rule of Grand mont, which involved the observance of the strict monastic fasts and perpetual abstinence from meat. The abbot was sympathetic towards the young reformer, whose worth he fully appreciated. But aware, perhaps, that he had already provoked adverse criticism from certain of his confreres who regarded his behaviour as singular and his austerities as excessive, he sensibly advised caution. He refused Charles permission to live apart and follow the primitive observance but he made him privy to his own milder, less divisive notions of furthering reform within the Order as a whole. This in effect constituted an extension of his prede cessor's school of reformers established at the mother house itself. At Grandmont, Abbot de Tautal intended to sow the seeds of penitence and fervour which he hoped might root and blossom throughout the daughter houses. Unfortunately, the abbot's untimely death prevented him from realising his dream of a comprehensive grandmon-

tine reform. As for Charles Fremon, the time was not yet ripe for him to commence his personal mission of reform. He remained for a while at Notre Dame du Pare where he was afforded the opportunity to realise the worth of that other great grandmontine virtue, obedience.

An outstanding Abbot General, Francois de Tautal dur ing his four years of office had governed with dignity and yet with that genuine humility which characterises a true monk. The Annals of the Order are eloquent in his praise and note especially that, whenever his duties permitted, he took his seat in choir and fervently joined in the recita tion of the offices. He took his meals in the refectory with the brethren and, in accordance with one of the early customs, himself waited upon them on solemn feast-days. He was adamant that he should perform his share of manual work, especially when at the commencement of his abbacy it was 'all hands on deck' to repair and renovate the buildings damaged by the Huguenots.

Georges Barny, former prior of Bois Rahier, was elected the twenty-first abbot of Grandmont on 4 December 1635. His time in office turned out to be as long as his prede cessor's had been short, and it was a success story from beginning to end. Under his clear and sensible guidance, the grandmontine dream of reform and renewal grew to fruition. One of his first actions following election was to bring Dom Fremon to Grandmont as novice master. In1639 he also made him prior, but this did not prove to be as wise a decision. Dom Fremon had apparently been making good use of his spare time at the mother house searching through the archives to learn more about the original inter pretations of the Rule and the primitive customs of the Order. His subsequent attempt to implement some of the more austere practices of the early fathers proved de cidedly unpopular, and even provoked hostile reactions from those who preferred a milder, more comfortable brand of monasticism. Concerned that divisions, between

the brethren who favoured what had come to be recog nised as the 'traditional' or 'common' observance, and those aspiring to the 'strict' or 'reformed' observance, should be averted at any price, Abbot Barny sensibly re voked Dom Fremon's appointment. He was sent away for a time to be spiritual director to the grandmontine nuns at Chatenet. Once the controversy had died down, the abbot recalled him and sent him to Paris in the dual role of Superior of the College Mignon, the grandmontine house of studies, and Vicar General of the Order.

As Vicar General, Dom Fremon was required to visit and inspect all the daughter houses. The task afforded him ample opportunity both to circulate his own reforming notions, and to make contact with those religious who were similarly inclined, such as Dom Gaillard, his former superior at Rouen. Foremost among the reforming party was Dom Boboul, whom he had met at the mother house. When Abbot Barny finally gave his assent to a formal attempt by Dom Fremon to institute a grandmontine branch of the Strict Observance, he was the first to join. The priory of Beaumont in the diocese of Evreux was assigned to the two companions for what, initially at any rate, was no more than an experiment. The attempt of these two pioneers to live in accordance with the twelfth century Rule approved by Innocent N in 1156, was not, however, destined to succeed at Beaumont. Although the prior of that house had declared himself to be in favour of the venture, he subsequently changed his mind and the two reformers were obliged to leave. Ever patient and understanding, Abbot Barny then designated the priory of Epoisses near Dijon, as the house of Strict Observance. It was here that the reforming fathers encountered what was to be their greatest challenge. The property itself turned out to be an appalling ruin which the commendatory prior, more interested in the hunt than governing a monastery, categorically refused to repair. He was decidedly ill-

disposed towards the two reforming priests, who were forced to tolerate many hardships, including near starva tion. Their tenacity and courage eventually won the day however, and the Grandmontines of the Strict Observance became firmly established at Epoisses.

At the same time as Dom Fremon was pioneering the branch of the Strict Observance, Abbot Barny was seeking to cultivate the spirit of less radical reform sown by his two immediate predecessors. In this context, the Abbe Vincent de Paul became once again associated with the Order of Grandmont. He it was who actively encouraged and sup ported the abbot in his untiring efforts to foster discipline and maintain throughout the houses in his charge a regular monastic observance in conformity with the revised consti tutions which had emerged under Abbot de Lavaur in1625.

On 26 April1643, Abbot Barny was at last able to convene a General Chapter, the first in a hundred and thirty-four years. The primary task facing this assembly involved the discussion, confirmation, and approval of the revised Con stitutions. Sentiments of reform were certainly in the air at this meeting. The fathers not only applauded and encour aged the work of Charles Fremon, they also voiced the hope that the Order in its entirety would see fit to renew itself, albeit in a manner somewhat less extreme. Little did they realise that in encouraging the praiseworthy but sep aratist activities of Dom Fremon, they were effectively pronouncing the death sentence upon their Order. The Strict Observance would, in due course, attract and cream off the most fruitful and fervent of the brethren. By 1652, although this group numbered a mere thirty-nine members distributed among eight priories, it yet had an injurious effect upon the twenty-three houses which remained within the Common Observance, reducing their member ship to just sixty-eight. In a letter addressed to Abbot Barny on 24 June of the same year, the Abbe Vincent de Paul expressed his dismay at the lack of religious within the Order.9

Frere Philippe-Etienne has expressed the effect of this division of the Order into Common and Strict observance as follows:

The trunk of the Grandmontine tree which had been bending increasingly against the force of decadence, was too strained to withstand such a blow.10

In the Middle Ages, the spiritual and material fortunes of the Order of Grandmont had declined in proportion to its increase in numbers. Now, ironically, the Order became doomed for lack of numbers. In attracting to itself the most dedicated of the sons of St Stephen, the Strict Observance, founded to revive the primitive spirit of the Order, suc ceeded only in bringing its end closer.

In1652, however, the unhappy conclusion of the history of the Grandmontines was still more than a century away. In practical no less than spiritual terms, the Order was benefitting greatly under Abbot Barny's control and pass ing through a period of peace and success. Of the abbot's leadership, Louis Guilbert has noted:

In the entire history of the Order, few abbots left such enduring traces coupled with such moving memories. None demonstrated quite so much energy, nor ap plied himself to so many different projects.11

These projects included massive building and repair work and, in particular, the placement of enormous flying buttresses to reinforce the abbey church, the walls and foundations of which had been seriously weakened during the Wars of Religion. Abbot Barny relentlessly tracked down and re-assembled many valuable reliquaries and other church treasures pillaged during the protestant occu pation. He also managed to recover much of the property which had been lost to the Order during the wars. He found time to travel extensively, and personally initiated rebuilding and repair work in many of the daughter houses. He took a keen and fatherly interest in the educa tion of the young monks, and encouraged the pursuit of

higher studies at the college of the Order in Paris. His most outstanding achievement however, and the one which survives today, as an enduring monument to his abbacy, is the Annales Ordinis Grandimontis which he instructed Dom Jean Levesque to compile.

With the death of Georges Barny on 3 July 1654, the atmosphere of calm which had pervaded the Order of Grandmont for over half a century, was drastically inter rupted by a further unpleasant division. The community at Grandmont elected Etienne Talin, prior of Raveaux near Angoul me. The action was illegal inasmuch as all the houses were not represented. Bitter squabbling resulted, and the absentees banded together to elect a rival candi date in the person of Antoine de Chavaroche, prior of Vieux Pou, one of the houses which had adopted the Strict Observance. Although the grandmontine family had split into two separate observances, both groups still acknowl edged the abbot of Grandmont as their superior general and the eight cells of the Strict Observance sent representa tives to the General Chapters of the Order as a whole. A year of quarrelling, unpleasantness, and litigation fol lowed, and the affair was only settled when the King's Council intervened. In1655 this august body promulgated two separate decrees, dated 8 and 10 April respectively. The first confirmed Dom de Chavaroche in office; while the second awarded his opponent, Dom Talin, a consolation prize in creating him second in command with the official title of Prior General. The case was decided, but unfor tunately the decision failed to terminate the unpleasant ness. Other issues combined to prolong the ill feelings and malice which existed between the supporters of the now legally appointed abbot and those of his former rival. A further royal writ had to be issued to bring the unruly objectors to heel and force their acquiescence and obe dience but it failed to stifle the bad feeling which persisted. Troubles of one kind and another continued to plague Abbot de Chavaroche throughout his term of office. Those

cells which had severed all connection with their ruling priories had posed a major problem for Abbot de Lavaur which he had failed to resolve. Now, taking advantage of the conditions of unrest and resentment which were per vading the Order, the members of these cells began behav ing in a manner which was little short of anarchical. Monks who had illegally assumed the headship of their respective houses were not only calling themselves priors, but re fusing to recognise the authority of any other superior including the Abbot General himself. When the General Chapter attempted to submit these establishments to visi tation by its officially appointed delegates, the spurious priors aided and abetted their followers in acts of open disobedience and defiance. Grandmontines in name alone, these unruly monks gave scandal to all by their persistent rebellion and neglect of the Rule. The Abbot was forced to appeal to the king and parlement and it was the secular arm of the law which ultimately restrained the rebels and forced the reunion of their cells with their appointed pri ories.

Abbot de Chavaroche' s determination to re-impose and maintain discipline is evident from his dealings with the dissident cells. He did not shrink from suspending the prior of Notre Dame du Pare when it became apparent that his lax and ineffectual leadership was threatening to bring the house into disrepute. The twenty-second Abbot dem onstrated all the qualities of a sincere and able administra tor, and it is regrettable that a large proportion of his time in office had to be devoted to policing rather than in formulating constructive policies. Whether from discour agement or incompetence, he took no definitive action to further the reforms which his predecessors had fostered with so much drive and energy. He did, however, continue to support and encourage Dom Fremon in his work.

By this time, owing to a generous gift of land from the townspeople, the chief house of the Strict Observance had been fixed at Thiers; an appropriate decision, for this was

the birthplace of St Stephen. Here the reform became firmly established and began to yield fruit. In1665, the year of Abbot de Chavaroche' s inauguration, a General Chapter was held which brought together representatives of the houses of the Strict Observance. Twenty articles-all of which recalled the early, austere customs of the followers of St Stephen-were formulated and in due course ap proved by the Abbot General. Prayer, silence, penitence, mutual obedience, and charity were practised as in the early days at Muret. The reformed brethren reverted to a diet which was wholly vegetarian for most of the year, eggs and dairy produce being permitted only on solemn feast days. They existed once again in conditions of almost total poverty, sharing whatever they had with the poor and needy. The better to maintain the regular life and silence, the porticus alongside the main church doorway was once again used for the reception of visitors. The disciples of Charles Fremon echoed their first Father when they de clared: 'There is no rule but the Gospel'.

By 1670, ten novices had raised the community at Thiers to fifteen and all of them, according to Dom Fremon's biographer, were worthy followers of St Stephen. Fifteen constituted a sizeable community by Grandmontine stan dards and the chapel in the little monastery donated by the town of Thiers proved too small to contain them. Dom Fremon was therefore constrained to build a new church which, Dom Rochias tells us, conformed absolutely to the traditional romanesque style of architecture which the Grandmontines never discarded. Unfortunately, nothing of this, the last grandmontine church to be built, has sur vived except the little porticus which remains appro priately enough as a monument to these hermit monks' ideals of silence, and hospitality.

The death of Abbot de Chavaroche would seem to have had few repercussions for the houses of the Strict Obser vance, but it was the signal for fresh disturbances among the remaining houses. For the second time in just twelve

years, two rival candidates were nominated. The Council of State was again required to intervene and proceeded to quash both claims. At a subsequent election all the repre sentatives, amazingly, voted unanimously in favour of Dom Alexandre Fremon, brother of the reformer. The abbatial blessing was conferred on him at Limoges on 25 March 1679, more than a year after the death of the previous abbot. Charles Fremon was present at the cere mony and immediately afterwards, much to his displea sure, was again required to be prior of Grandmont. He accepted humbly and obediently, but it was not long before he somehow managed to get himself dispensed from the office and his brother permitted him to return to his be loved priory at Thiers. At the same time Abbot Fremon gave his approval to all the statutes passed by the chapter of the Strict Observance except one. He positively refused to allow the reformed brethren to uphold one of the funda mental tenets of the early Rule and renounce possessions outside the immediate enclosure of the monastery. While it must have caused the idealistic reformers considerable disappointment, the decision showed common sense.

The past history of the Order had demonstrated only too clearly the impracticality of attempting to live without any stable means of support. To allow several houses to de pend solely on alms, which might or might not be forth coming, involved problems and responsibilities which a seventeenth-century abbot, quite understandably, was not prepared to shoulder. This was especially so in the light of past experiences, when popes themselves had been forced to intervene to mitigate this harsh and unworkable ruling. Before bidding farewell to his brother, Abbot Fremon made him Vicar General of the Strict Observants of the Order of Grandmont. Thus, two brothers ruled as respective heads of two branches of one religious family.

Considering the dramatic events which marked the out set, the ten years in which Alexandre Fremon ruled as twenty-third abbot of Grandmont passed uneventfully and

peacefully enough. When he died in 1687, his brother was on a visit to the abbey and was asked to become acting prior. He refused on grounds of age, but remained at Grandmont just long enough to organise the electoral as sembly and to remind the fathers of their duties and obliga tions. He issued a particular warning against permitting outsiders into the abbey during the period of sede vacante. All too often in the past, electors had allowed themselves to be influenced by well-intentioned and not so well intentioned clerics and even laymen. Just before leaving for Thiers, he himself proposed two nominees; Prior Giraud of Beaumont and Prior Henri de la Marche de Parnac ofBercey.

On 9 September 1687, the Prior of Bercey was elected twenty-fourth abbot. Henri de la Marche had made his profession at Grandmont in 1661 and had been sent out to rule the priory of Bercey twenty years later. He was, with out any doubt, an able administrator for, when he arrived at Bercey it was, by all accounts, still in a thoroughly dilapidated condition following the Wars of Religion. Not only were the buildings in ruins, scarcely habitable, but the handful of monks who were eking out a meagre existence were deeply in debt. In less than six years, de la Marche had succeeded in restoring the conventual buildings and discharging all debts, and had even managed to recover most of the priory's possessions. When he was summoned to the mother house in 1687, he left behind him a well organised and flourishing community.

Apart from his administrative abilities, Henri de la Marche was something of a scholar and one of the few authors which the Order of Grandmont produced throughout its entire history. He was responsible for a short spiritual treatise on the religious life, as well as a biography of St Stephen, published in 1704. His intense devotion to the founder prompted him to petition to have the office of his feast included in the Roman Breviary. Regrettably his attempt failed, and to this day, the Ordo of

Limoges alone recognises the First Father of the Order of Grandmont. The contemporaries of the twenty-fourth ab bot are unanimous in their praise for his fervent and rever ent celebration of the liturgy.

Despite his obvious abilities, Abbot de la Marche actually did little to advance the fortunes of the Order but seems to have contented himself with preserving the status quo. He is best remembered for his grandmontine compassion, his generosity, and his warm hospitality. He was sympathetic in his dealings with the reformed religious and remained on excellent terms with the ageing Dom Charles Fremon. He permitted the Strict Observants to hold separate Gen eral Chapters without depriving them of their voice in the affairs of the Order as a whole. When Dom Charles Fremon died, it was the abbot who took it upon himself to nomi nate a successor in the person of Dom Frarn;:ois Thomas. In 1692, Dom Thomas expressed his respect and admiration by dedicating the first printed edition of the Statutes of the Reformed Grandmontines to Abbot de la Marche who, in return, wrote a fine introductory preface of approbation.

At the time of Dom Charles Fremon's death, six houses had committed themselves to following the reformed ver sion of the Rule. Apart from the chief house at Thiers, these included: Epoisses, near Dijon; the important house of Notre Dame de Louye, near Paris; Machenet, in Cham pagne; Chavanon, in the Auvergne; and finally, in1679, St Michel de Lodeve, one of the most southerly houses, in the departement of Herault. A further house, Bussey-en Forez, was lost to the Strict Observants through a singular act of generosity on the part of Dom Fremon himself. When he returned to Thiers following the death of his brother, news reached him that the benefactor who had given the house to the monks was dying and in a state of extreme mental distress because he was heavily in debt. He could see no way out of his problems and was saddened at the thought of his financial responsibilities devolving on his family. Without hesitation and wholly in keeping with the

spirit of St Stephen, Dom Fremon sought and obtained the abbot's permission to restore the house, lock stock and barrel, to its former owner.

Enhanced by actions such as this, Dom Fremon's reputa tion became almost a legend in his lifetime. When news of his death filtered into the town of Thiers on the third of November 1689, crowds flocked to the priory to pay their last respects and several were heard to exclaim: 'A saint is dead'. In the opinion of his contemporary biographer, Dom Rochias, Charles Fremon was the reincarnation of St Stephen. Certainly he was responsible for reviving that rare vocation which combined the hermit's ideal of soli tude with true evangelical poverty. Throughout the six teenth and well into the seventeenth century, recruitment had been at its lowest ebb. That Charles Fremon succeeded in attracting around sixty novices prepared to vow them selves not merely to the grandmontine vocation but to this singularly harsh version of it was an outstanding achievement.

The feeling of optimism which characterised the reform movement and revitalised the Order at the commencement of the seventeenth century was fast fading by the time of Abbot de la Marche's death in 1715. The election of his successor marked a further decline into decadence and the beginning of the end of the order of Grandmont. Rene Pierre-Fran ois de la Gueriniere proved himself an ambi tious, scheming, and extremely worldly person quite unfit ted to be the father of the family of monks he ruled for close on thirty years. That he had any kind of religious vocation at all seems dubious, given his behaviour. He showed himself to be far more interested in the dignity of his office and the social position it afforded him than in the spiritual welfare of those in his charge. According to the Abbe Legros, he was raised and cared for by an uncle to whom, as a teenager, he announced his intention to be a priest. This guardian, somewhat doubtful as to his motives, ques tioned him further. Did he intend being a secular priest,

202 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

entering a religious order, or what? After a few moments' thought, the precocious youngster declared himself re solved to become a Grandmontine. When asked to give his reasons, he stated quite simply that the Order of Grand mont had so few qualified monks that they were obliged to employ outside professors to teach higher studies. With his education and background he could thus look forward to very rapid promotion. He had also observed, quite correctly, that the abbot was an elderly man whose days were numbered. He intended to make himself so popular and respected that his fellow monks would elect him when the old man died. In fact, he achieved his ambition, and was elected abbot at the remarkably early age of thirty-four.

The Order of Grandmont had never been intended as a monastic haven for scholars and intellectuals. Certainly in the seventeenth century, any young man intent on com bining a religious with an academic career would more likely have been attracted to one of the benedictine congre gations recognised for its scholarship. But de Gueriniere was a mediocre scholar who opted to be top of the class at Grandmont rather than bottom in a benedictine college. As he had predicted, he did manage to gain the admiration and respect of his less able colleagues, and soon rose to be professor of philosophy at the College Mignon.

Abbot Georges Barny had made it his business to pro mote higher studies within the Order, but his motives were no more ambitious than training a few teachers capable of instructing the young monks in Scripture, theology, and moral philosophy. The fact that the Order of Grandmont was not prepared to encourage learning for its own sake is clearly apparent from a Chapter decision of 1643. Influ enced in all probability by the notions of reform which emphasised detachment from worldly recognition no less than possessions, this forbade the students to receive de grees. As the direct and somewhat unfair consequence, the Order of Grandmont gained a reputation for being an

order of ignoramuses. The Abbe Legros has an amusing anecdote based on the notorious lack of education among the Grandmontines. In the course of a conversation with a Recollect Father, Abbot de Gueriniere teasingly observed that his superior was general in command of 'a hundred thousand beggars' which attracted the slick response, 'And you, of fifty asses!'12

Once he was installed as abbot, de Gueriniere worked hard to maintain the ancient rights of the abbey, but ap pears to have shown scant regard for monastic observance. Neither did he demonstrate the least inclination towards furthering the reform of the principal branch of the Order. He refused to convene a General Chapter and, when the priors voiced their disapproval, plied them with such ex cuses as: 'the chapter house at Grandmont is in such disrepair as to be uninhabitable or, the mother house is afflicted with an epidemic of colic'. At last he came up with an altogether novel excuse. He did not consider it prudent to hold chapter meetings for so long as the 'troubles' affecting the church in general continued. He was, no doubt, referring to the Jansenist versus Jesuit dispute which was dividing the church in France at that particular time. In 1732, the frustrated priors addressed an appeal to the king imploring him to put pressure on the Abbot of Grandmont to call a General Chapter because he was ruining the Order. Their pleas were to no avail; de Guer iniere still managed to evade the issue. Very few novices applied to enter the Order during these troubled years. It has been suggested as a reason that the abbot demanded a dowry of two hundred livres to be paid upon admission to the novitiate. While there is no confirmatory proof that this was the case, it is a fact that in just two and a half years de Gueriniere's successor admitted thirty.

The accounts of Abbot de Gueriniere's haughtiness and social snobbery are reminiscent of the twenty-first Prior, Jourdain de Rapistan. Both rulers brought the order to the brink of ruin as the result of lavish building programmes

intended to make the abbey into the sort of palatial resi dence they deemed appropriate to their rank. To be fair, de Gueriniere had inherited a complex of buildings which were, for the most part, centuries old, inconvenient, and uncomfortable. In view of the shaky state of the finances of the Order at the time, however, his ambitious plans were unwise, to say the least. He was prepared to settle for nothing less than a complete rebuilding of the abbey at the astronomical cost of 310,447 livres. The cost in terms of the spiritual welfare of the brethren was equally great. Obliv ious to the inconvenience, even distress, he was inflicting on the monks by turning their monastery into an almost permanent building site, de Gueriniere forged ahead with his plans. The community was actually housed in an iso lated and wholly inadequate building, the former in firmary. The medieval church was demolished and the building of Grandmont III begun in 1732. It was not com pleted until1768, under de Gueriniere's successor, and just four years before Oement XIV issued the bull which ap proved the expulsion of the monks and the sequestration of their property by the diocese of Limoges. Twenty years' later, Grandmont III was in turn demolished. According to contemporary eye witnesses, this church was, 'one of the finest of its type and has no equal in the kingdom'. Ba sically, it appears to have been a cruciform structure with a cupola over the crossing, but no plans, drawings, or de scriptions have survived. Grandmont III was a white ele phant, an ill-fated building which should never have been built in the first place.

Grandmont was not the only building project under taken by Abbot de Gueriniere. He was also obliged sub stantially to rebuild the College Mignon at Paris. A large part of the premises proved to be beyond renovation after years of neglect when little or no repair work had been carried out. This second and very necessary building pro ject placed a tremendous strain on the Order's depleted resources. In actual fact, it was only achieved because de

Gueriniere devoted the entire revenue of the priory of Meynel to the purpose.

Once the college buildings were adequate, the Abbot began carrying out his plan to improve the somewhat dismal scholastic reputation of the Order. His intention was to handpick the brightest novices and young pro fessed monks from every community to form an intellec tual elite at Paris. At the time, there was actually only one grandmontine monk resident at the college as custodian. The establishment had become Grandmontine in name alone and for some years had been providing a small income for the Order from rooms which were let to student boarders attending the university.

Abbot de Gueriniere cast his eyes around for a capable and efficient superior to manage his brand new house of studies and decided that Dom Jean-Baptiste-Fran ois de Vitecoq was admirably suited to the task. On 30 September 1744, before he could put his plan into operation, the abbot died suddenly at the college itself. Raymond Garat who was elected the twenty-sixth abbot on the 10th December following, shared his predecessor's esteem for Dom Vitecoq. Aware that he had been intended for the post of superior with the task of supervising the remainder of the building works at Paris, he endorsed the plan. He went even further in that he also made Dom Vitecoq Financier General of the Order, in which capacity he was to be entrusted with large sums of money. In due course this would become a matter of grave concern for Abbot Garat's successor, the twenty-seventh and last abbot of Grand mont.

NOTES

L.J. Lekai, The Cistercians, Ideals and Reality (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977) pp. 334-46.

M. Lebeau, Abrege chronologique de l'Histoire de Oteaux (Abbaye de Citeaux: 1981) p.26.

D. Knowles, Christian Monasticism (World University Library, 1969) p. 154.

D. Seward, 'The Grandmontines -A Forgotten Order' Downside Review 83 (1965) 256.

Lev, p. 393.

Collet, Vie de Saint Vincent de Paul, Livre rv, p.398, cited Gui, 'Destruction', BSAHL 23 (1875) 98

Pere J. Fouquet OMI and Frere Philippe-Etienne Histoirede L'Ordre de Grandmont (Chambray: 1985) p. 78

J.B. Rochias, Vie du Reverend P re Charles Fremon pb. A. Leder (Limoges: Ducourtieux et Gout, 1910) p. 32.

Abbe P. Coste, Correspondence de Saint Vincent de Paul 55 (Paris1921)

p. 309

J. Fouquet, (note 7) p. 85.

Gui, p.99.

Abbe Legros, Memoire Manuscript, p. 111, cited Gui, p. 117.

VIII

THE DESTRUCTION OF THE ORDER OF GRANDMONT

THE DESTRUCTION OF THE ORDER of Grandmont' is the title of a major work by the nineteenth-century his torian Louis Guibert published in the Bulletin de la Societe Archeologique et Historique du Limousin, be tween the years 1875-77. It is a comprehensive, meticu lous, and singularly unbiased account of the long drawn out agony and death throes of this ancient monastic order. By contrast, the following pages attempt no more than a summary outline of these events and the borrowing of Guibert's title is in tribute to a great historian whose name is now as little known outside his native Llmousin as is the religious order whose history he so painstakingly re corded. The title could not be more appropriate inasmuch as in its final years the order of Grandmont became the victim of a plot which was intended deliberately and sys

tematically to achieve its destruction.

The Order of Grandmont began to develop symptoms of a terminal illness when Dom Francois-Xavier Mondain de la Maison Rouge was elected abbot in 1748. When he died on 11 April 1787, at the age of 81, the Order expired with him. He has been described as 'a good, loyal and pious man', 'a child of light' and, 'a worthy, holy and irreproach able priest and monk, a model of christian and religious virtue, a true Bon-homme.' Unfortunately such qualities

207

were of little use to him in the worldly drama in which he was forced to play the leading r6le. His natural humility and gentleness rendered him incapable of competing against scheming bishops and wily lawyers and precluded the machiavellian tactics against which he was himself required to contend. Nevertheless, his failure to save the Order can in no way be attributed to weakness. On the contrary, he struggled ceaselessly and valiantly against the forces which sought to undermine his authority and anni hilate the grandmontine institution.

The first unsavoury business which Abbot Mondain was required to settle has come to be known as the 'Vitecoq Affair'. Throughout Abbot Garat's short term in office (1744-8), Dom Vitecoq had been hard at work in Paris completing the elaborate College Mignon project insti gated by Abbot de la Gueriniere. The result was impres sive. The Grandmontines were once again in possession of a fine, well-equipped house of studies. Regrettably, the costs of the project had multiplied over the years and the bills were presented for settlement at the same time as the building works at Grandmont itself began running into trouble. Badly executed work which had to be redone, the architect's demands for additional payments, rising costs, all these factors combined to raise the original estimates out of all proportion. The reserve fund held by the abbot was exhausted by the expenses incurred at the College and he found himself in a situation of acute financial embarrass ment. He had little alternative but to terminate the expen sive educational programme at Paris and disperse the students among the most important of the priories. In October 1749, he arrived at the college and personally re assigned all but four of its occupants. Dom Vitecoq protes ted loudly and vociferously against this decision which put an end both to his work and his ambitions. His insubor dination and rudeness were such that at the General Chap ter held the following summer, the abbot was forced to request his removal from office. Dom Vitecoq, however,

had enough supporters among the assembled priors to oppose and defeat the motion. Encouraged by this minor triumph and determined that his ambitious plans for a prestigious college should not collapse, Dom Vitecoq per petrated what is in religious terms an almost unforgivable deed. He defied his religious superior and appealed to the Parlement of Paris to overrule the decision. The abbot, understandably upset by this act of rebellion, was forced to take action. He applied directly to King Louis xv and obtained an order which forbade Dom Vitecoq to come within a hundred miles of Paris. Having discharged his duty as Superior General, Abbot Mondain reverted to being a patient, kindly father and did all in his power to effect a reconciliation. When his efforts failed, he ordered Dom Vitecoq to relinquish his dual office of Superior of the College Mignon and Procurator General of the Order.

Unfortunately the abbot was out of order with this deci sion because it did not have the formal consent of the General Chapter. In consequence, the Order of Grand mont found itself involved once again in a whole series of legal disputes which resulted in a major public scandal. Abbot Mondain again prevailed upon the King to inter vene and the decrees were duly quashed. Dom Vitecoq then influenced the ruling body of the University of Paris to support his cause. The right of the University Board of Governors to intervene in the affairs of a constituent col lege had been recognised by a decree of Council dated 12 June 1752, and although the abbot opposed this inter vention, it was legally valid and his protest was dismissed. Dom Vitecoq even received confirmation of his right to the title of Prior of Meynel, a priory united with the college under the same superior. Throughout the year 1753, law yers' letters went to and fro and Dom Vitecoq clung tena ciously to his title of Procurator General although he had long ceased to perform any of the duties associated with that office.

The proportion and gravity of this scandal which in volved the highest courts in the land in the defence of a

monk who was defying his Abbot General, was eventually realised by the main body of grandmontine monks. Many of them eventually began to condemn Dom Vitecoq's au dacity in waging a legal battle against his lawful superior. Several of his former supporters became alienated from him. On 3 September 1755, the Great Council returned the ball into Grandmont' s court when they ordered a General Chapter to meet and deliberate the best way of settling the affairs of the college. When, on 23 November, the General Chapter went into session, it confirmed the constitutions and then voiced its approval of the abbot's handling of the affair. In order to discharge the debts incurred by Dom Vitecoq at the College Mignon, a tax proportionate to the means of every house was levied.

Dom Nicod, a religious of the 'Strict Observance' had been in temporary charge of finances at the College. Now, he was delegated by the fathers to attempt the difficult and delicate task of effecting a reconciliation between Dom Vitecoq and his Abbot General. In this he was greatly assisted by the sensitivity of the abbot who was only too willing to make peace with his fiery subject at whatever cost to himself. Dom Vitecoq was relieved of his former offices but was well compensated in being given the priory of Chenegallon, one of the most important houses of the 'Common Observance'. The abbot's generosity was se verely censured by the numerous religious who considered that far from being rewarded, Dom Vitecoq should have been punished for his insubordination. The College Mig non reverted to being a simple hall of residence for both clerical and lay students attending the University of Paris. In 1766, just ten years after the Vitecoq affair was con cluded, King Louis xv was persuaded to appoint a 'com mission of Regulars' charged with the investigation of all the religious orders and congregations of France and the institution of reforms where necessary. According to royal assurances, the fundamental purpose of the Commission was to bring about these reforms in line with royal decrees.

Some of them were undeniably sensible, treating of such matters as a minimum age for entry into the religious life. The most significant regulation the Commission imposed set a minimum number for the community of each house. The result was that four hundred fifty religious houses ceased to exist. The Commission was extraordinary for two reasons. In the first place, it included laymen as well as clerics, and several of its members shared, quite openly, the prejudice of the Voltairean age against the religious life in general. Secondly, a secular commission, responsible to the king of France rather than to the pope, had been invested with power so extensive that it enabled them to close down monasteries and in some cases suppress entire congregations.

The Commission of Regulars was officially presided over by Monseigneur de la Roche Aymon described by Louis Guibert as 'a prelate of little intelligence and feeble charac ter'. The power behind the throne was, however, the archbishop of Toulouse, Etienne-Charles de Lomenie de Brienne. Opinion continues to be divided over this un usual and ambitious character who was as much of a statesman as a churchman. To some he appears as a bril liant diplomat, to others he was a scheming rogue con sumed by intrigue and stopping at nothing to further his own advancement. His cleverness and skill as an adminis trator were responsible for his elevation to the purple while still a comparatively young man and it was not long before he exchanged his first modest bishopric of Condom for the wealthy archdiocese of Toulouse. Whilst he ruled his diocese irreproachably and insisted on orthodoxy and dis cipline, he made no secret of his sympathies with the enlightenment and openly associated with the philosophes, some of whom he had known personally when he was a student at the Sorbonne. As a result of such open minded ness he was regarded as suspect both by his fellow clergy, who did not approve of his association with such anti religionists as d' Alembert and Voltaire, and by the philoso-

phes who disapproved of his conservative ways. In his initial dealings with Grandmont he was undeniably fair and expressed the view that the 'Primitive Observance' in particular, 'merited the wholehearted protection of the King in the light of the edifying lives led by its adherents and the austerities which they practised' .1 Unfortunately his attitude changed all too soon.

The Commission of Regulars had barely begun to invoke the powers vested in it by Louis xv before the superiors of the various religious orders began petitioning the pope to intervene and save them from this secular menace. Unfor tunately, their pleas gained little response from Rome. Pope Clement XIII (1758-69) had already proved himself well intentioned but indecisive over the Jesuit question. In 1759, when the powerful portuguese minister, Pombal, had ordered the deportation of all members of the Society of Jesus, the pope's half-hearted protestations achieved the additional expulsion of the papal nuncio from Portugal. Hatred of the Jesuits was equally deep- rooted in France and it was not long before the French followed the por tuguese example and in1764 outlawed the Society by royal decree. The Bourbon powers subsequently united in pres suring the Pope to disband the Society for once and all, but influenced no doubt by pro-Jesuit voices at the court of Rome, he refused. Clement XIII died shortly afterwards and it was left to his successor, Clement XIV, both to suppress the Jesuits and to agree to the dispersal of the monks of Grandmont. Just as soon as Clement XIV found himself occupying the papal throne, he made the appeasement of the catholic powers of Europe a priority and his bull, Dominus ac Redemptor noster, suppressing the Jesuits, was regarded as a triumph for the enlightenment. Its citing of precedents of religious orders previously dissolved was fuel for the fire of the Commission of Regulars but bad news for the smaller french religious houses who were relying on papal intervention to save them from extinction. The pope himself was politically rewarded inasmuch as the

papal enclaves of Avignon and Venaissin, which had been occupied by the French in protest against his predecessor, were returned to the Holy See.

If the Papacy itself was incapable or, for political mo tives, somewhat reticent about intervening in the affairs of the Church in France, what was the attitude of the french hierarchy? According to Guibert, while initially they were both resentful and suspicious regarding the activities of the Commission of Regulars, only a few went so far as to air their disapproval publicly. Christophe de Beaumont, the archbishop of Paris, was one prelate who made no secret of his views. The Church alone, he asserted, had the power to intervene in the affairs and conduct of regulars. He further maintained that a commission of five bishops and five councillors of state had no business whatever meddling with monasteries. The archbishop had already incurred the king's displeasure for opposing the decision to expel the Jesuits. The majority of the bishops, however, once they had got over their initial antipathy towards the Commis sion actually began to support it. One reason for their attitude was that they considered civil intervention would have more chance of succeeding and instituting a real and enduring reform within the monasteries than would a distant and all too often ineffectual roman curia.

A less worthy motive is also discernible. While certain of

the seventeenth-century bishops had vast fortunes at their disposal, many of the smaller dioceses were verging on penury and their bishops were hard pressed to maintain themselves and their entourages. Any reservations they expressed about the work of the Commission were soon dissipated when they understood that the Crown had no intention of sequestrating religious establishments for its own benefit, that in every case the lands and possessions of a suppressed house would be transferred to the diocese in which it was located. The ruling bishop would be free to dispose of all such lands and possessions at his discretion. Of course, one of the more acceptable uses to which confis-

cated monasteries and their attendant wealth was devoted was diocesan seminaries. Several grandmontine houses ended up as training colleges for secular clergy. The atti tude of bishops who were genuinely desirous of increasing the ranks of the clergy by providing free education and training for young men from poor families is expressed in a letter addressed to Lomenie de Brienne by the archbishop of Tours on 18 November 1769:

Nothing is more befitting the religion of the King than that the possessions of the Grandmontines should be utilised to provide free education for young men des tined for the priesthood.2

In the case of the abbey of Grandmont, it was Monseig neur du Plessis d' Argentre, bishop of Limoges, who stood to benefit from its suppression. General opinion, not with out reason, has always held this cleric to be the arch-villain who wantonly brought about the destruction of the Order of Grandmont. Guibert, however, did not blame the Bishop entirely and suggested that the ultimate fate of the Order had been decided by Lomenie de Brienne even before the General Chapter of 1768 at which the religious were advised to adopt reforms in order to obtain the king's approval for the continuation of their Order.3 Bishop d' Ar gentre's part in the initial stages of the procedure against the Grandmontines may have been exaggerated, for there is a complete lack of evidence implicating him. Neverthe less, his r0le increased infinitely in importance as time went on. Ultimately the manner in which he effected the expulsion of the monks and took possession of the abbey can only be described as ruthless and cruel.

On 3 April 1767, the Commission of Regulars secured a royal decree ordering all religious institutions to convene General Chapters at which they were to deliberate their constitutions and assess the extent to which they had departed from their fundamental ideals. They were also required to submit a report outlining their plans for reform and a return to the original observances laid down by their

rules. The same decree banned all communities which counted less than ten religious, so that superiors were obliged to amalgamate certain houses within their charge before implementing a programme of reform.

One year later the political rupture between France and the Papacy in the person of Clement XIII had two significant consequences. In the first place it deprived superiors of their right of appeal to the court of Rome, and secondly, it prompted government to make itself solely responsible for promoting religious reform within the kingdom. The edict which appeared in March of this year placed all the reli gious houses in France-including those which had en joyed episcopal exemption for centuries-firmly under diocesan control.

Unlike his contemporary religious colleagues, Abbot Mondain appears to have been blissfully and naively un aware of the peril which menaced the entire monastic Order in France when, in compliance with this decree he submitted his somewhat optimistic report of the state of the grandmontine institution. Conformity with certain of the new regulations, notably that which laid down the minimum age for profession as twenty-one years did not worry him. St Stephen himself had required this restriction and it was written into the Rule of Grandmont. When, however, he turned his attention to accounting for the precarious state of the Order's finances and compiling a census of the communities occupying each of the daughter houses, he encountered somewhat graver problems. His proposal to maintain nine houses in addition to the mother house still did not satisfy the statutory requirement of a minimum of eight religious to a community-novices and lay-monks could not be included in the overall figure. It was this ruling more than anything else which threatened the Grandmontines with extinction. Some of the more realistic among the senior religious were soon made aware of this possibility and certain of the less reputable charac ters among them decided to act independently of the abbot in order to safeguard their own personal interests.

Prominent among this group were Dom Razat, the Pro curator General of the Order; and Dom Nicod, Vicar Gen eral of the branch of the Strict Observance. Dom Razat had already made something of a name for himself in a legal battle he had waged against Abbot Martial Sardine of the benedictine abbey of Nanteuil-en-Vallee. Dom Razat main tained that the Rule of St Stephen derived from that of St Benedict and in consequence entitled him, as a Grand montine, to hold the benedictine priory of Saint-Vincent de la Faye in commendam. This case was not without prece dent: grandmontine superiors had previously been permit ted to hold benedictine benefices, as Benedictines had held grandmontine monasteries in commendam. Unfortunately for Dom Razat, times had changed radically. In September 1758, the Great Council ruled that the Grandmontines were bound to follow the Rule of St Stephen of Muret which neither derived from nor bore any resemblance to the Rule of St Benedict. Consequently, its members could have no right whatsoever to hold benedictine benefices. Dom Razat was obliged to relinquish his claim and console himself with the knowledge that, as Procurator General of the twin Observances, he held the highest and most pres tigious office in the Order of Grandmont. This office more over, entitled him to live in some style at the College Mignon in Paris. In this capacity, he was required by the Abbot General to prepare and submit various documents concerning the financial state of the Order to Lomenie de Brienne. As the direct result of this he was able to form a close relationship with the secretaries of the Commission, which enabled him to find out which way the wind was blowing and harness it to serve his own interests.

In due course, a recommendation in Dom Razat's own

handwriting was delivered to the Commission. Louis Guibert has described this document as 'The sentence of death pronounced against Grandmont by a Grandmon tine'.4 Dom Razat's conduct is rendered all the more dis tasteful by the fact that he delivered what amounted to a

statement of capitulation on the Order's behalf without the knowledge of the Abbot General. Essentially the document maintains that the Order as a whole is unable to comply with the king's wishes and therefore the Commission should proceed to the speedy disbanding of the institute, without any further consultation of the religious. Dis loyalty is rampant in Dom Razat's references to General Chapters which, he asserts, were simply occasions for 'reproaches, divisions, discussions about personal inter ests, intrigues, quarrels and generally speaking a great deal of hot air'. The real motive for this action is clear from the final paragraph in which Razat respectfully requests remu neration in the form of pensions for the religious. A note scrawled in the margin observes that the king would gain the right to dispose of the abbey of Grandmont following the death of its abbot, together with the right to dispose of four titular priories, the remainder of the priories having already been awarded to various owners in commendam.5

Given the dismal picture of the Order as drawn by one of its chief officials, it is not surprising that the subsequent judgments expressed by members of the Commission are equally derogatory. A summary report which emerged shortly after observes that 'the Grandmontines have al ways been a singularly ignorant body of religious who have never shown the least love of letters or tendency to produce works of the spirit ... they are notoriously lax in their religious observances and have proved themselves as ignorant of the Rule of St Stephen as any other religious text ... they have no sense of propriety, both as regards the celebration of the office and, general conduct . . . The men who make up their communities are, for the most part, coarse, uneducated and ill-mannered ... Their most se rious occupation is hunting and fishing.' The same report concludes with the opinion that the Grandmontines are not worth reforming and in fact, 'any such attempt would be doomed to failure given that to resuscitate a love of the Rule of the Founder would require a number of men them-

selves sufficiently inspired that they might pass on their inspiration to others. Such persons can nowhere be found among the superiors any more than the rank and file.'6

If Abbot Mondain was in total and blissful ignorance of the actions of his Procurator General, the beliefs and ac tions of another of his senior religious were only too appar ent and their outcome must have wounded him deeply. Dom Nicod was the Vicar General of the branch of the Strict Observance which, in 1768, accounted for forty-two subjects including two novices. Like Dom Razat, Dom Nicod wrote secretly to the Commission agreeing that small numbers made the exact observance of the Rule almost impossible, and suggesting that the eight houses of the Strict Observance be reduced to four. The commis sioners were only too willing to consent to this proposal. In consequence, the religious of the Strict Observance formed into four communities attached to the houses of Epoisse, Macheret, Thiers and Louye.

In September 1768, Dom Nicod's act of separation from and defiance of his Abbot General was taken a stage fur ther when he and his followers refused to attend the Gen eral Chapter convened at Grandmont. Abbot Mondain had been depending on the reformed brethren to assist him in implementing a general reform which he hoped would be the salvation of the Order as a whole. Their defection en masse must have been unnerving, to say the least. Just a few days before the Chapter opened on 25 September, Abbot Mondain's efforts to institute a reform received a further setback. This time it was the Commissioners who delivered a blow which struck both the Strict and Common Observants with equal force. An order was issued banning the reception or profession of novices. On 24 February of the following year the restriction was extended and the abbot ordered to send any remaining novices packing. The Commissioners could not have devised any surer means of bringing about the slow but certain end of the Order.

It was this ban on novices which, in all likelihood, was directly responsible for Dom Nicod's subsequent action.

All too aware that without recruits there can be no institu tion, he wrote once again to the Commissioners. This time he informed them that the arrangement which had re stricted the reformed religious to four communities had failed. He requested therefore that the grandmontine branch of the Strict Observance be disbanded and its mem bers left free to join other religious institutes of their choice. Once again, and without the Abbot General's knowledge, his request was granted, and as Louis Guibert wryly puts it: 'the Commission established for the reformation of the religious orders began its work by the destruction of a reform.'

Of the former Grandmontines of the Strict Observance, sixteen transferred to the strict Benedictine Congregation of St Vanne, twelve opted for Cluny and one became a Carthusian. Three were unable to make up their minds at the time and so their ultimate destination remains un known. One of these appears to have been a lay brother who had been removed from the monastery by the military authorities and was being held in detention at Perigueux, accused of having deserted his regiment. It is significant that whilst five of the religious requested to be allowed to live out their lives in one of the otherwise deserted houses of the Strict Observance, not one expressed a wish to be transferred to the branch of the Common Observance. As the entire community at Macheret had joined the Benedic tines of St Vanne, the house itself was handed over to that congregation. Louye, in its turn, was given to the Benedic tines of Cluny, until the bishop of Chartres demanded that it be relinquished to his diocese. Epoisses also passed for a time to another religious congregation while Thiers, the mother house of Dom Fremon's reformed Grandmontines, was retained for the benefit of the five religious who had requested to live out their days in a former grandmontine priory. Their ultimate fate is unknown.

What of Dom Nicod himself? The man who must shoul der a large share of the responsibility for the loss of the

order of Grandmont chose initially to join the Benedictines of St Vanne. There he discovered that the life of a reformed Benedictine was not to his liking and so he persuaded Lomenie de Brienne to allow him to take up residence the former grandmontine house of Vieux-Pou near Auxerre.

An alternative and more seemly motive which may have moved Dom Nicod to provoke the suicide of the Grand montines of the Strict Observance has been proposed by Desmond Seward:

Nicod's dealing with the Commission may be inter preted as the actions of a man concerned for his voca tion and for the vocations of those under his charge, with no confidence in Mondain leadership who when finally convinced that the cause of St Stephen was lost decided to seek refuge in a secure spiritual haven.7

Even if this were the case, it still does not excuse Nicod's lack of courtesy, to say nothing of his disloyalty and dis obedience, in not making his intentions known to his lawful religious superior. Although Mr Seward maintains that Dom Mondain de la Maison Rouge was not the true spiritual superior of the Strict Observants, yet at no time did they make a formal break with the Order of Grandmont as a whole. While the reformed Cistercians under their leader Armand de Rance fought tooth and nail with the cistercian proto-abbots in what had been termed 'the war of the Observances', Dom Fremon First Father of the grandmontine reform obtained the approval of the Abbot General of Grandmont for all his actions.

In September 1768, in accordance with the royal decree issued in 1767, the last General Chapter of the Order of Grandmont met in the presence of Lomenie de Brienne and his colleague, Fran ois Tristan de Cambon, bishop of Mirepoix. This turned out to be the first round in a contest which was to extend over the next twenty years. Abbot Mondain has been accused of inaptitude and fecklessness for his failure to save his Order from extinction. The Abbe Legros considered till his lack of forthrightness and vigour

ultimately responsible for the adverse decisions passed by the Commission of Regulars.8 This is unjust. Abbot Mon dain was untiring in his efforts to save the Order of Grand mont from extinction. His critics have always overlooked the fact that both his vocation and training fitted him to be a monk, not a lawyer, yet circumstances obliged him to engage in almost solitary conflict with the best and most devious legal minds in the land.

As soon as the General Chapter went into session, a list of all seventy-two members of the Common Observance was submitted. These religious were found among twenty one houses which included the College Mignon, which had retained a staff of just two. On the average, individual communities numbered no more than three; the largest being Ch negallon where there were five. The mother house itself boasted a mere eleven religious, including the abbot.

Next, the Commissioners communicated the king's wishes to the assembled monks. The Rule of St Stephen, they insisted, had always been accepted as the fundamen tal legislation for the Order, despite successive mitigations which various popes had permitted in the course of centu ries. Because of this, the king required them to fulfil two conditions in return for the right to continue as a religious order enjoying his protection. The first called upon them to undertake a voluntary and complete return to the practice of the primitive Rule and Constitution of the Order, and the second demanded the re-establishment at the abbey of a full conventual life and monastic horarium.

Although they had only a brief acquaintance with Abbot Mondain, the Commissioners must have been fully aware of the extent of his strong moral principles. Possibly Dom Razat and Dom Nicod had given them an idea of what to expect. At any rate they certainly seem to have been fore warned that the religious of the Common Observance were unlikely to play into their hands as had those of the Strict

Observance. This much is apparent from the unrealistic conditions which they sought to impose at the General Chapter and which were knowingly and cunningly con trived to produce the maximum consternation among the assembled fathers. Generations of superiors and popes had judged the imposition of the original Rule in all its purity, impracticable. It had been composed in an age of faith and fervour and its initial followers had been close to their Founder both in spiritual ideals and physical stamina. The austerities it required of its adherents had come to be regarded as excessive, even unhealthy, and it had been adjusted accordingly.

In vain did the religious protest to the Commissioners that their vows of profession had not bound them to prac tise a medieval interpretation of the monastic life. They pointed out quite reasonably that many of them were elderly and therefore incapable of adhering to the strict fasting and abstinence exacted by the primitive Rule. They besought the Commissioners to present their case to His Majesty and to ask him to dispense them from so grave an obligation. They professed their willingness to return to the practice of the Rule in accordance with the Statutes of 1625 and 1643. They declared themselves only too ready to obey the second requirement, and indeed they acknowl edged the very real need that monks should lead an orderly and regular life in community. The Commissioners were adamant, however; the king required of them all or noth ing and, for the first time, delivered the threat of closure. The assembled fathers protested vehemently but to no avail, and the Commissioners then proceeded to read the formal ban on the acceptance and profession of novices.

There can be little doubt that the Commissioners ex ceeded their authority at this fateful General Chapter. Just what should have occurred and what actually did occur is recorded in an appendix to a report entitled Memoire a Consulter et Consultation pour l'Abbe de Grandmont, General de l'Ordre de ce Nom.9 Throughout the proceedings, Lomenie

de Brienne behaved in a thoroughly objectionable manner. He was by turn imperious, menacing, and downright rude in the way he silenced protestors. According to the Mem oire, the Commissioners' credentials, which were read aloud at the start of proceedings, only authorised them 'to assist at the Chapter in their capacity as Commissioners, to oversee and ensure that the proceedings were conducted

in an orderly and decent manner'.1°From all accounts,

Lomenie took over completely and conducted proceedings as though he were a judge in a court of law. According to another contemporary author:

The prelate [Lomenie de Brienne] forgetting that he was a bishop, behaved as though he were invested with royal powers. He was like a conqueror vanquish ing a foe. The terror he inspired could not have been surpassed by a soldier. The terrified religious had neither the time nor the sangfroid necessary to defend themselves against his onslaughts. They had no means whatsoever of defending themselves. In the twinkling of an eye the order of Grandmont was judged, condemned, and sentenced to suppression.11

When Lomenie returned to Paris at the conclusion of the shambles which passed for a general chapter, he carried with him a petition from the demoralised religious ad dressed to the king. This implored His Majesty to allow them to continue to live in their respective monasteries in accordance with their Constitution and to be permitted to elect a superior general to govern them when the present holder of that office should die. Should the king refuse to grant their request, they begged only that they be allowed to live out their lives in their monasteries, under the au thority of the appropriate ordinary. Should even this pa thetic plea be denied them, then they expressed their willingness to retire with pensions into the houses of other religious congregations provided the necessary papal au thority were first obtained.

Abbot Mondain addressed a separate personal petition in which he requested the king to spare at least the abbey of Grandmont and in return, he would devote all his efforts to re-establishing a group of religious who would engage themselves under his direction to live the Rule of St Step hen to the letter.

Lomenie de Brienne's own report on proceedings at the General Chapter, which he presented to the Commission on his return to Paris, was damnatory in the extreme.

Of seventy-three religious distributed among twenty two houses, there are twenty who, according to the evidence of their confreres, are wholly reprehensible. Either they are of bad moral character or given to drunkeness. A few among them have actually broken the law of the land. Forty or so are dissolute and slothful, leading totally secular lives. The remainder have conserved the spirit of their state to some degree and two or three would be capable of following the Rule in all its rigour.

The abbot, he reported, was a wise and virtuous man, distinguished for his love of good but too frail and gentle to be able to subdue troublemakers. 'He is divided between his desire to preserve the Order, and the hopelessness of the task of preserving it according to the Rule.' He further outlined the abbot's desire and willingness to assemble twenty-four monks who would agree to observe the Rule under his direction at Grandmont but expressed the opin ion that this represented an impossible task.

A particularly blatant piece of falsehood is contained in Lomenie's report where it states categorically:

The Order of Grandmont has no wish to reform itself. While its preservation is dependent upon reform tak ing place, this does not exclude the religious from retaining the various authorised mitigations of their Rule.

This is in total contradiction of the terms which Lomenie had dictated at the General Chapter in reply to the religious who asserted the impracticality of returning to the rigours of the fundamental Rule of St Stephen, but professed themselves willing to comply with the Statutes of 1625 and 1643. At the time, Lomenie had absolutely refused to coun tenance any such half measures.12

The remainder of this document outlines a strategy so cleverly and cunningly contrived that the suppression of the Order will appear to be self-destruction. It interprets the petitions which the religious addressed to the king in the event of their institute ceasing to exist to mean that they were unanimously agreed that this should inevitably be the outcome. Their request for the award of pensions had been officially endorsed by the Chapter, and Lomenie knew that it required only authorisation by letters patent to become effective. Thus, the agreement which the religious had signed in all innocence without realising its implica tions was twisted to imply that they wholeheartedly gave their assent to the dissolution of the Order. They had signed a document which they thought would afford them certain rights and securities if, and only if, all else failed; but effectively they had affixed their signatures to the death warrant of their Order. Lomenie summarised his plan as follows:

For as long as the Abbot remains alive, he shall con tinue to lead the religious. Upon his death, they will come under the jurisdiction of the ordinary. From this moment, the monasteries must be united [i.e. with their respective dioceses]. Thus the Order of Grand mont will cease to exist in France, without any heart rending or suffering, without having to invoke the necessary authority. It will, of its own accord, simply cease to be and its possessions will be passed on for the benefit of worthwhile establishments within the various dioceses.13

Lomenie's recommendations were received with whole hearted approval by the Commission and a month after the fateful General Chapter, Abbot Mondain received a letter from the king's minister, Saint-Florentin, Due de la Vril liere, ordering him politely and kindly, but firmly, to send home any novices who remained under his jurisdiction. Despite the intense sorrow which the departure of his five novices must have occasioned him, Abbot Mondain did not despair and courageously began to work on a new set of reformed constitutions to be submitted for the king's approval. He still believed that he would be able to gather sufficient monks together at the abbey to make his pro posed reform a reality.

While Abbot Mondain laboured to save his Order in blissful ignorance of the fact that its destruction was al ready a fait accompli, Lomenie was equally hard at work implementing his devious plans, the outcome of which would enable him to say that the Order of Grandmont had destroyed itself. Acting on his instructions, a colleague on the Commission had already prepared the letters patent which would pave the way for the kill: 'without any great effort and without causing any unnecessary sensation.14

The tone of the letters patent is blatantly hypocritical, inasmuch as they express an excessive concern for the welfare of the religious about to be deprived of their spiri tual home. Briefly it is stated that, the Common Obser vance of the Order of Grandmont having been reduced to a mere seventy-two religious including its Abbot General, many of the houses have found it impossible to re-establish a regular conventual life; that taking into account the ad vanced ages and infirmities of some of this limited number of religious as well as the wholly worldly lives led by others, there would seem to be no possibility of their ever being able to comply with the Rule of their Founder. There fore, it dispenses the religious from the obligations set forth in the Royal Edict of 1768. It grants them the liberty to remain within their respective monasteries under the au-

thority of their existing superiors, but forbids them abso lutely to receive novices. In conclusion it authorises the bishops of the dioceses concerned to effect the suppression of grandmontine houses the instant they became vacant through the death or demission of their occupants. The bishops were further instructed to set aside sufficient funds from the revenues belonging to such houses in order to provide pensions for the former grandmontine religious. The residue of all monies and property were then to be transferred to the diocesan exchequer to be used for the benefit of ecclesiastical establishments such as seminaries. At no point in the entire proceedings was any account taken of the fact that the Order of Grandmont had been exempt from episcopal jurisdiction for centuries. Thus for the letters patent to invoke canon law to justify the manner of disposal of grandmontine properties was farcical. Even in the case of religious establishments which had not en joyed such exemption, there had always been a general principle, upheld by canon law, that unions of this nature were to be effected only in cases of extreme necessity, when heresy or serious disorders left no other course open to church authorities. Where, on the other hand, a house was exempt, union with either another religious house or the diocese required the consent of the superior concerned. Far from giving his consent to these proposed unions, Abbot Mondain was actively opposing them. Furthermore, while the French canonists asserted that the general rule could be waived in cases where the bishop intended to award religious properties to seminaries, Rome still main tained its exclusive right to make the final determination.

In the light of this knowledge, Abbot Mondain consid ered formulating an appeal to the Holy See, but both time and political circumstances were against him. Pope Clem ent XIII had recently died and with him had also passed some of the antipathy which had existed between the papal court and France aroused by the Jesuit question. Clement XIV, did not maintain his predecessor's intransigent oppo-

sition to the Bourbon dynasty. In fact upon being elected, he made the appeasement of the Catholic powers a prior ity. Aware of these circumstances, and in order to avoid embarrassing papal relationships with France, Abbot Mon dain tactfully addressed his petition to the king rather than the pope. His letter comprises several pages of pathetic hopes and illusions and begs the king in abject fashion to permit him to continue ruling Grandmont under a stricter regime in conformity with the bull of Clement v. He also implores the king to renew his right to admit novices as well as the right of the religious to proceed to the election of a succeeding superior general following his own death. The final paragraph is a particularly poignant and desper ate plea for survival:

Deign Sire, to give ear to my ardent and most humble prayers. Be pleased to grant your royal protection once again to this abbey which was the work of your ancestors. The re-establishment of the former regular life will shine with its ancient lustre, edification, and good example which others will emulate. All will inherit a new lease of life and this monastery will assuredly be transformed into an exemplary house, worthy both of your favours and of the early days of the Order; a holy retreat in which God will be served and invoked unceasingly for the preservation of a monarchy which bestows happiness upon its sub jects.15

At the same time as he directed this appeal to the King, Abbot Mondain sent Lomenie de Brienne a copy of his projected constitutions which closely resembled those for mulated by Dom Charles Fremon a century before. Whether or not he took time to peruse them, Lomenie certainly made no comment whatsoever. Then, in March 1769, the abbot journeyed to Paris where he was re spectfully and graciously received by his adversaries who, notwithstanding, paid no attention to his pleas and remon strations. Hardly had he returned to Grandmont when he

received the king's answer to his request written in the hand of one of his chief councillors of state, the Due de la Vrilliere. Couched in honeyed terms, the letter congratu lated him on all his good intentions but informed him that nevertheless: 'It is not sufficient for a reform to propose laws, however excellent they may be; it is also necessary to provide a certain number of religious who are prepared to execute them.' The letter then advises the Abbot that, if he can find twenty-four religious who, freely and voluntarily will agree to the project, then, and only then, will His Majesty be prepared to afford them his protection. Unless and until this condition were fulfilled, the prohibitions laid down in the letters patent of the previous February must stand.

The prohibitions were sufficient in themselves to bring about the slow but sure demise of the Order of Grand mont: all the Commissioners had to do was sit back and wait for it to happen. Several of the french bishops had already instigated the procedures necessary to secure the union of the grandmontine houses within their respective dioceses. Early in the year 1770, eleven priories of the Common Observance had been so transferred quietly and without fuss. Still the Mother House remained an unyield ing stronghold of grandmontine opposition. Although Ab bot Mondain lacked the ability and energy for an all-out combat, his tenacity did not fail him. The Commissioners had obviously been hoping that, once he realised his cause was irretrievably lost, he would surrender the abbey with out further ado. Instead, he was holding out relentlessly and Lomenie de Brienne' s patience was being taxed to the limit. Furthermore, the abbot must have become some thing of an embarrassment to him for two reasons. In the first place he had devised and submitted for the king's approval what amounted to a perfectly acceptable re formed constitution. A few religious, edified no doubt by their superior's example and determination, had elected to remain with him in his retreat. If news of this defiant yet

praiseworthy stand should reach the ears of the pope, there could yet be serious and unpleasant repercussions from that quarter. Secondly, the finances of Lomenie de Brienne's friend, Bishop d' Argentre of Limoges, were the cause of considerable concern. Monseigneur d' Argentre had obtained an enormous loan to enable him to finish building his new palace at Limoges, a palace which, as he expressed it himself in a letter, would permit him to live in a manner more in keeping with his rank. The bishop's creditors were beginning to press for payment and Lome nie had assured him that he could count on the abbey and its revenues to discharge his debt.

There was only one course of action which would bring about the defeat of the Abbot and effect a speedier evacua tion of Grandmont. The monks who continued to remain faithful to their Rule and loyal to their leader would have to be won over; and one monk in particular was to prove himself ideally suited to this devious purpose. Dom Daguerre had been at Grandmont for some time and en joyed the confidence of the abbot, who had sent him on several missions to Paris as acting Procurator-General, Dom Razat having retired to the priory of Meynel. On one of these trips Lomenie found the means of influencing him to perform the role of Rosencrantz Guildenstern in the drama which was beginning to unfold. He was sent on missions to various of the remaining grandmontine houses, ostensibly for the benefit of the religious, but in reality, to speed up the liquidation of these houses. At Faye Jumilhac, for example, the brethren were doing all in their power to prevent their house being taken over by the seminary of Perigueux. Daguerre was able to convince them that their procrastination could not and would not avert the inevitable. He persuaded them that they would be better employed rescuing what they could from the disaster by submitting their requests for pensions to the Commission. Once these requests were received by the Commission, they were interpreted as tacit agreement to

the suppression of the house in question, which could then be efficiently and speedily carried out. Lomenie also used Daguerre to pave the way for takeover, by sounding out the mood of the community in question. In this way he received advance notice of, and was prepared for, diffi culties which might hinder the smooth transfer of a house to the diocese. For his espionage, Daguerre was well re warded with the gift of the grandmontine house of Ban douille, one of the wealthier priories. Then Lomenie entrusted him with an ultimate and decidedly more deli cate task. He was instructed to persuade the abbot himself to end the stalemate and to relinquish Grandmont to the diocese of Limoges. A memorandum of instructions from Lomenie to his agent, preserved in the Archives Nation ales, contains a particularly reptilian set of instructions. The abbot, states Lomenie, must be made aware of the futility of the task he is seeking to impose upon himself. He must be convinced of the king's interest, benevolence, and generosity, and he must be urged to submit a request for pension both for himself and for the good of those in his charge. If the abbot should refuse to accept the inevitable, Daguerre is required to influence the monks behind his back. They, in turn, are to be made aware of their own best interests and urged as a body to submit requests for pen sions, as these will have to be deducted from the revenues of the abbey prior to their being transferred to the diocese. The monks must be made to realise that the king has their interests at heart and has no wish to deprive them of what is rightfully theirs. He will therefore appoint a crown ad ministrator to take charge of the abbey's finances and compile an inventory of all lands and properties belonging to it. The long-suffering abbot had been obliged to dispatch his novices; now the few religious who had stood by him were to have their minds soured against him and be bought off by an official in whom he had placed his trust.

So confident was Lomenie that Daguerre would succeed in his task that he included with his memorandum the

following incredible letter of submission, addressed to himself and intended for the Abbot's signature:

Monseigneur, the decision taken by the religious of Grandmont has reduced me to such a pitiable state that I am forced to throw myself upon the mercy of His Majesty; no other course remains open to me. I am resigned to witnessing the extinction of the house in which I have sought in vain to re-establish by example the regular life. Now I can do no more than consign it to the King who in his wisdom will deter mine its fate. I submit myself entirely to the views and wishes of the King, who is the best of fathers. From this moment, I place my abbey in his hands and I agree to its union with whatever benefice or establish ment he shall see fit. I ask only that he be pleased to grant me, out of the revenues of this house, a pension of: (a space for the amount to be filled in is left blank) for the duration of my life, and which will enable me to live in whatever retirement I may choose. You will realise, Monseigneur, the enormity of a sacrifice which the piety of the King allowed me to consider as a much more distant prospect. However, the lack of subjects has rendered it necessary today. I beseech you to make my position known to His Majesty. At least I have the consolation that he will realise how much it is costing me to renounce the hopes that I had formed for the glory of religion and of my Order.16

Lomenie also provided Daguerre with a letter for the abbot informing him of the inadvisability and futility of any further resistance. 'Further delays,' he warns him, 'are superfluous and against the best interests of those in your charge.' A copy of all three documents entrusted to Da guerre was sent to the Bishop of Limoges for his informa tion.17 A covering letter introduced Dom Daguerre to Monseigneur d' Argentre and observed that he might find it necessary to remain in the locality for six months or so in order to make all the necessary arrangements for the trans-

ferral of the abbey to the diocese. Monseigneur d' Argentre was absent from Limoges for reasons of health when the letter and its bearer arrived. It was som weeks, therefore, before he was made aware of the plot intending to oust the abbot. When he did get round to replying, he was able to inform Lomenie that news of Dom Daguerre's mission had filtered round the diocese in his absence and given rise to a rumour which stated that 'A gran4montine monk sent from the royal court had arrived at Grandmont with orders to empty the house.'

No sooner had Daguerre arrived at Grandmont than it became clear to him that whatever results his devious methods might achieve with the monks, he was going to get nowhere with their superior. The abbot had been un able to save his daughter houses but he was certainly not going to relinquish the mother house. He still nourished hopes, based on a somewhat unrealistic picture of the goodness and mercy of King Louis xv, that he would after all be permitted to realise his ambition. In his naivete, he could not accept that the Commission of Regulars was really seeking to aruuhilate the Order of St Stephen which had been in existence for over six centuries.

Daguerre performed his task well. He ignored the abbot and concentrated instead on worming his way into the confidence of the religious. He sounded them out and appealed to each in turn. He besought them, one after the other to be reasonable and to capitulate. He argued that they had no option but to safeguard their own interests. He played on their respective weaknesses, appealing to the simplicity of some and the better nature of others. He hammered them all unwearyingly, and to such an extent that he achieved his goal. On 23 August he was able to send Lomenie a copy of a resolution passed at a chapter meeting held in the absence of the abbot and without his knowledge. This document bears the signatures of nine religious, all priests, who expressed their agreement with

the Commission that the abbot could never succeed in the task he had set himself. In order to avoid any further unpleasantness and disagreement, they professed them selves ready to concur with the king's decision and to agree to the union with whatever ecclesiastical authority he would be pleased to consider. Their requests were twofold; they humbly begged His Majesty to grant them life pen sions payable quarterly in advance, and they requested to be allowed to remain at the abbey with the abbot until his death.18

On 24 December 1770, the bishop of Limoges addressed a letter of just fifteen lines to Lomenie wishing him a happy new year, followed by a postscript of considerable length. This describes a recent dinner conversation between him self and the abbot of Grandmont. The abbot had accused him outright of complicity with the Commission of Regu lars and of attempting to accelerate the suppression of his abbey; and avowed that he had very reliable proof to support his statement. Having told Lomenie that he had denied any involvement with the Commission, the Bishop appealed to him in the following, very surprising manner:

As you see, Monseigneur, this is the first time that I have written you on the subject of the Abbey of Grandmont.19

Could Bishop d' Argentre's memory really have been so short-lived? The French Archives of State contain several letters which he addressed to Lomenie de Brienne on the subject of Grandmont prior to this particular one. The promise to remain neutral which, in his letter, he says that he had made to the abbot, turned out to be utterly valueless. '

Early in the year 1771, Lomenie realised that his efforts to achieve any kind of amicable agreement with the abbot were getting him nowhere and that more drastic action was called for if he was ever to succeed in his ambition of gaining Grandmont for the diocese of Limoges. When the

Commission met on 27 February, he persuaded his col leagues to write officially to Cardinal de Bernis, the French Ambassador to the Holy See, and sound out the possibility of obtaining a papal bull of suppression. In the meantime, the Commission ordered an official inventory of the goods and possessions of the abbey to be compiled as soon as possible.

Lomenie wasted no time in implementing the order of the Commission. By 2 March he had obtained a decree of council requiring the Intendant of Limoges or his delegate to proceed with the inventory. A few days later, he wrote again to Monseigneur d' Argentre telling him of his latest move and concluding with the following observation:

The Abbot of Grandmont cannot complain because the time he requested has passed, and if it had been prolonged any further there would be a risk of his possessions being subject to mismanagement and fal ling into decay. It gives me great pleasure to find myself on the point of concluding a business which is so much in your interest.20

Monseigneur d' Argentre's reply to this letter reveals something of his true character. In the first instance, he informs Lomenie that the abbot of Grandmont had dined with him on two separate occasions in the course of the previous winter and he had engaged himself to return the compliment and visit the abbot at Grandmont. However, he says:

I confess to you that I have not been able to summon up the courage because they would think that I went there for the sole purpose of seeing the promised land and to take measures to assure its conquest. I have therefore written a very truthful letter to Monseigneur the Abbot, begging him to excuse me on account of the weather and poor state of the roads.

He then dwelt at some length upon the financial embar rassment his new buildings were causing him and asked

Lomenie's advice as to how best he might acquit himself because, as he says:

You are always well versed in finding such solutions, especially when friendship underlines your natural wisdom.21

Monseigneur d' Argentre did in fact meet the abbot shortly after this letter was written, but not at a convivial dinner party: the abbot was on a formal visit to Limoges. The bishop maintained that on this occasion he tried to convince the abbot of the futility of his putting up any further opposition to the royal commands. The abbot rep lied simply that he would do all in his power to obey His Majesty a fact which was duly reported to Lomenie in a letter dated 19 April.

Meanwhile, the abbot had received word from Monsieur the Intendant of Limoges informing him that, in compli ance with the writ of 9 March, he would be sending Mon sieur de Lepine, his deputy, to carry out the required inventory on 17 April. The abbot responded with an assur ance that Monsieur de Lepine would encounter no resis tance on his part.

Anne Robert Jacques Turgot (1727-81) the celebrated economist, author, and associate of Adam Smith, has gen erally been regarded by historians as an enlightened and compassionate man. In the course of his intendancy at Limoges, he did a great deal to improve the conditions of the poor. He cannot have relished the distasteful charge which had fallen to him to perform and was no doubt relieved that the abbot intended to make it lighter by pledging his cooperation.

Had Turgot mistaken the exact implication of the abbot's

words in his reply to him? Certainly when his delegate arrived at Grandmont on the day appointed, far from the passive acquiescence he had anticipated, he discovered the abbot and his handful of monks installed in the chapter house. When he made formal announcement as to the

purpose of his visit, they adamantly refused to let him proceed. Monsieur de Lepine was obliged to retreat to the village and wait until he received further instructions from his superior.

Both Monsieur Turgot and Monseigneur d' Argentre may have expected the abbot to deliver a mild reproach or even air his objections to the injustice to which he was being submitted. They certainly did not consider him capa ble of such forceful opposition. When the deputy's mes senger arrived to inform them that his master had encountered strong, formal, and unanimous opposition from the abbot and his monks, they were dumbfounded. Monsieur Turgot was obliged to authorise stronger methods. His second order instructed Monsieur de Lepine to proceed with his work in the presence of the religious and, if necessary, to send for locksmiths, blacksmiths, and whatever other assistants he might require to break down doors and open cupboards, coffers, and safes. Two days later Monsieur de Lepine returned to the abbey where he communicated his new instructions to the religious. They expressed their surprise that no account had been taken of their objections, but offered no further resistance. The abbot alone remained to witness the procedure; the re mainder of the community retired still protesting. The report which Monsieur Turgot in due course submitted to Paris, attributed the initial resistance of the community to greed:

I have been persuaded that they hoped to retard the compiling of the inventory in order to give themselves time to remove various effects for their personal profit. Various circumstances have led me to this sus picion and I am in consequence determined to order my delegate to apply seals to all the effects contained in the abbey with the exception of those necessities which are in daily use.22

The Bishop of Limoges expressed a similar opinion in the letter which he dispatched to Lomenie de Brienne by the same courier:

I am certain that several of them and, in particular the bursar, make money out of everything and that they are filling a goodly sized purse for themselves ... at least they have been foiled by the seals which have been applied. They still have the means, however, of squandering the livestock on the estates.23

Although the inventory obviously marked the prelude to an official sequestration, the abbot and a few of the reli gious were still determined to continue the fight. Dom Pichon and Dom Muret began raising support for their cause among the local parishes, whose inhabitants stood to lose a great deal in terms both of employment and the charitable assistance provided by the monks. While the order of Grandmont could justifiably be accused of some measure of decadence at this time, the one great virtue which they had retained from their original Rule was the obligation to dispense charity to all who required it. Quite apart from the assistance which the monks of Grandmont afforded their immediate neighbours, when times were hard they also extended their help to the entire canton and beyond. The abbey served the locality as church, school, and hospital. Every possible form of assistance was af forded by the brethren: prayers, food, clothing, medicines, consolation, and advice. So, in unison with their respective clergy, various local worthies organised the inhabitants of the village of Grandmont and five other parishes in the vicinity in a series of protests against the closure of their

beloved abbey. Several of the petitions addressed by these groups to the king are appended to the Memoire a Consulter et Consultation pour L'Abbe General de Grandmont.24 Apart from causing considerable local furore, these appeals were not without effect in certain high quarters. The outspoken Monseigneur Christophe Beaumont, Archbishop of Paris, for example, let his support for the monks of Grandmont

be publicly known. The outcome was that the little commu nity remaining at Grandmont was left in peace for a few short months while Monseigneur d' Argentre stewed over the possibility that his cherished prize might yet be wrested from his grasp.

The following June this dormant state of affairs was abruptly terminated when Lomenie informed his col leagues on the Commission of the_ resistance being offered by the monks and the string of petitions they were address ing to various notables, including the king himself. On 12 June he wrote to Monseigneur d' Argentre telling him of the very latest petition which the monks had addressed to the sovereign and assuring him that it would avail them naught. 'We shall shut their mouths', he wrote; 'the Abbot is stubborn but we shall vanquish him with his own reli gious.'25

Lomenie's next move was to secure a royal brief authori sing the bishop of Limoges to approach the Holy See and request the suppression of the abbey of Grandmont and its annexation in perpetuity to the diocese of Limoges.26 A blow to the monks was •delivered on 22 June, when the King's Council issued a writ rejecting the abbot's petition and upholding all previous legislative measures taken against the abbey. It made a special point of approving the methods adopted by the Intendant of Limoges for compil ing the inventory. The abbot had made a particularly strong protest against the affixing of seals to the abbey property. In the words of Lomenie de Brienne, the Grand montines had been well and truly 'shut up', for a while at least.

No one seems to have been in any doubt that the pope would do other than agree to the bishop of Limoges' request, supported as it was, by a royal brief. Now, as his financial commitments increased, the bishop's only con cern was at the delay involved before he could get his hands on the abbey and its properties. 'We shall vanquish the abbot with his own religious', Lomenie de Brienne had

said and, in the interval while he awaited a papal bull of suppression, he occupied the time engineering this de vious strategy. Thanks to the outstanding efficiency of his informant, Dom Daguerre, Lomenie knew, somewhat bet ter than the naive abbot, the true feelings of all nine reli gious remaining at his side. It appears that they fell into two distinct camps: Dom Chapellet de Fontrielle, the prior, in company with Doms Pichon, Muret, and Beaubreuil, were all four sincere in their fidelity to the Order and their devotion to the abbot. The remainder were decidedly more concerned with their own interests and the amount of their eventual pensions. Thus it was a simple matter for Lo menie to write a letter to Dom Babinet, the most outspoken of this impressionable group, in order to win him over completely. The precise content of this letter is not known but Dom Babinet's reply has survived and from it we can assume that it sufficed to convince him that his abbot's cause was irretrievably lost. Almost certainly Lomenie gave him fair warning that further resistance would jeopar dise the future pension rights of all concerned. Whatever Lomenie said, it had the desired effect, for Dom Babinet and four of his colleagues eventually scuttled out of Grand mont like rats from a sinking ship.27

The prolonged delay in obtaining a papal bull of sup pression can be attributed to the super-efficiency of the Commission of Regulars itself. Cardinal de Bemis, the French Ambassador to the Court of Rome was a worldly and self-indulgent prelate who in his youth had fancied himself as a poet. His sentimental verse-mongering had earned him the nickname 'Babet la Bouquetiere' (Betty Flowergirl). Nevertheless, he was an effective diplomat and the friendship which had developed between himself and Pope Clement XIV had made it possible for him to smooth the passage of many french appeals to the Sover eign Pontiff. Nevertheless, the cardinal had his hands full at this particular time, for apart from the Grandmontines, the Commission of Regulars was in the process of sup-

pressing houses of Franciscan Observants and Celestines as well as amalgamating the Canons of St Ruff with those of Saint-Lazaire. The busy ambassador pointed out, quite reasonably, that he could not be expected to submit all these separate dossiers to His Holiness at one and the same time and expect him, with one stroke of the papal pen, to liquidate the lot. On the contrary, if His Holiness was faced with too many such requests at one time, he would be more likely to develop scruples and begin asking ques tions, some of which might be difficult to answer.

The statement which awaited presentation to the pope had been composed by a Monsieur Cressac, banker and legal advisor to Monseigneur d' Argentre. It constitutes the most important paper of all the vast dossier of documents concerned with the destruction of the abbey of Grandmont and its daughter houses, because the information con tained in it was directly responsible for the eventual bull of suppression issued by the pope. In justification of his decision to issue the requisite bull, Clement XIV actually borrowed whole sentences from the overwhelming indict ment which Monsieur Cressac committed to writing and which reads as follows:

The Common Observance of the Order of Grandmont has been reduced to seventy-two religious distributed among twenty-three houses. These religious have abandoned-rather, they have never known the prac tice of a regular life in community. The Abbey of Grandmont itself is the only house in which the piety and good example of the Abbot General have been responsible for some semblance of regularity albeit lacking in fervour, study, and thorough application, among nine or ten of the religious. These same are still there, but if it were not for the abbot, the Order would have extinguished itself through lack of recruits and general bad management. The obligation imposed on all religious by the edict of March 1768 forced the houses to convene a General Chapter in the Septem-

ber of that same year and each was obliged to take a decisive part. For a long while previous to this, Gen eral Chapters were not held regularly, and when they did take place proved to be mere informal meetings between a few of the priors but with the religious themselves not properly represented. When it became necessary to establish in what the rule of life of the Common Observance should consist, His Majesty took measures to ensure that the Chapter deciding these factors be held in accordance with canon law and that each house be properly represented by its delegates. The two principle requirements contained in the Edict of March 1768 were proposed at the meet ing: the re-establishment of a regular life in commu nity, such a life to follow the monastic pattern. The first requirement was unanimously rejected as im practicable by these religious who, in the guise of the religious habit, had been leading entirely secular lives. The second requirement reduced the Order to just four or five houses. Moreover, with the exception of the Abbey of Grandmont itself, the houses were in no condition to receive a larger number of religious without first re-establishing regular monastic quarters [Presumably this refers to the re-establishment of such monastic features as a common refectory and dorter. Partitioning walls would have to be removed and the monasteries returned to their original plan]. It was agreed that this could not be effected without consid erable expenditure which would have considerably diminished the resources of the Order. In conse quence, the Chapter decided to implore the king to dispense the Order from his edict, and they resolved to submit themselves entirely to his will with prayers and supplications that, in case of the suppression and annexation of their houses, he would accord them the pensions necessary for their subsistence. Monseig neur the Abbot of Grandmont alone asked that he be

permitted to work for the re-establishment of a regular community life at the Abbey of Grandmont.

The King received with equal kindness the requests of both the Chapter and the Abbot General. In letters patent dated the month of February 1769, and regis tered in the various parlements, His Majesty dis pensed the religious of the Common Observance from obedience to his edict, and accorded them the right to live out their lives within the monasteries of the Order under the authority of the Abbot General and their immediate superiors but on the condition that they did not profess any further monks or admit any nov ices. Furthermore, he authorised the bishops of each diocese to take whatever action was necessary in ac cordance with both canon and civil law to suppress and annex the said monasteries subject to the consent of the religious. Also, in compliance with the requests and supplications of the Abbot General, he agreed to the re-establishment of religious observance within the Abbey of Grandmont until the death of the said Abbot if and when the Abbot should have furnished him with full details of what this would entail.

As the result of this arrangement, the Abbot of

Grandmont addressed a petition to the King together with a proposed scheme for constitutions conforming with the primitive institution of the Order. The pur pose of this was to obtain from His Majesty both his assent to the preservation of the house and the read mission of novices. This, on condition that the Abbot himself would follow a new regime in accordance with the above proposals and through his own exam ple inspire the religious of the Order to follow these same reforms. The entire project was dependent upon whether or not it would be possible to reunite the religious of the Common Observance.

His Majesty deigned to reply to Monseigneur the Abbot of Grandmont that before reaching any deci-

sion as to the fate of that house, it would be necessary to find a sufficient number of religious willing to practise the Rule of St Stephen in accordance with the proposals that had been submitted to His Majesty.

More than two years have gone by and Monseign eur the Abbot of Grandmont has not found a single religious willing to support his own zeal. Even those of the Strict Observance have refused to join him, and the disorder is worsening because what has been destroyed by time cannot be repaired.

Those religious who fear that their monastic life will be extinguished without any consideration as to their plight have expressed their inquietude in this respect and asked that they might be allowed to benefit from the advantages afforded by the letters patent previ ously issued both at their request and that of the entire Order. Thus the King, convinced of the impossibility of Monseigneur the Abbot of Grandmont actually realising his plans, and at the same time informed of his willingness to comply with the King's will, has issued Monseigneur the Bishop of Limoges with a brief authorising him to seek the dissolution and sup pression of the title of the Abbey of Grandmont through the Court of Rome. Moreover, to effect the annexation, in case of vacancy, death, or demission, of any possessions belonging to the Abbey which are situated within the episcopal see of Limoges; the en dowment of the said see of Limoges being not propor tionate to its needs and to the charges imposed upon so extensive a diocese. His Majesty has reason to believe that such an application of the Abbey's pos sessions constitutes an additional motive for His Holi ness to authorise this annexation. The Abbot of Grandmont will place no obstacle in the way for he can no longer conceal the futility of his efforts. The majority of the other houses of the same Observance

have been suppressed at the request of the bishops complying with the insistent wishes of the religious themselves. Those houses which still remain are urg ing the same treatment. No adherents to the Reform have been found even where one would most have hoped tofind them. [In all probability this refers to the religious of the Strict Observance. In fact, several of these did come forward and supported their abbot to the last]. There is no longer any hope for Monseigneur the Abbot of Grandmont, and the best use that can be made of the possessions of a house which will be completely vacated when he dies, is to place it at the disposal of a poor diocese which comprises almost eight hundred parishes and receives less than 16,000 livres by way of revenue.28

Taken purely at face value, this document appears a true testimony of events. In fact, it is an almost total misrepre sentation of the truth. In at least seven cases out of ten, the monks most decidedly did not give in freely and volun tarily to their houses passing into the possession of their local bishops. In just about every instance they were cajoled, bullied, and threatened with destitution if they dared offer any resistance. Furthermore, to state cate gorically that the abbot would place no obstacle in the way of the annexation of his abbey to the diocese of Limoges was a downright lie. To represent him as wholly incapable of promoting a reform was grossly unfair, given that every possible obstacle had been placed in his way especially by the ban on professions and the admission of novices. His authority had been systematicallyundermined by the turn coat monk, Daguerre, and his enthusiastic attempt to real ise a reform had been sabotaged by enemies from within and without. In the whole of de Cressac's statement there is no single mention of the intense pressure to which the monks were subjected by the Commissioners Lomenie de Brienne and de Cambon at the General Chapter of Septem-

246 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

ber 1767. The wishes expressed by the Chapter on that occasion are totally ignored and the annexation of their respective houses is represented in such a way that it appears they themselves were responsible. In conclusion, the actual request for permission to annex the abbey of Grandmont to the diocese of Limoges is made to appear as if it had the whole-hearted approval of the abbot. Many years later, the Emperor Napoleon passing near the town of Cluny is reputed to have refused to visit a place whose inhabitants had been responsible for the mindless vandal ism of the great abbey which stood outside the town. The abbey of Cluny was tom apart by a wild, uneducated, unintelligent, and very irate mob of revolutionaries. Unfor tunately the same cannot be said of the Abbey of Grand mont. In this case the iconoclasts who, in the words of a contemporary 'could not wait for demolition to com mence', were well educated, highly intelligent, and so phisticated princes of the Church.

No sooner had de Cressac's statement been consigned to Cardinal de Bemis than the abbot resolved to register a protest at Rome. In doing so he drew down upon himself both the anger of the Commission and the intense displea sure of the king. In fact this 'protest' amounted to little more than a mild and humble supplication, in striking contrast to the scheming and cunning communication for mulated by de Cressac at the behest of the Commissioners and Monseigneur d' Argentre. Abbot Mondain merely im plored His Holiness to intervene and save the abbey or, at least, to allow it to continue for the duration of his life. He did not include a request that the pope should reverse any of the annexations already effected.

By November 1772, Cardinal de Bemis had acquired papal approval for the suppression of the ancient abbey of the Canons of St Ruff as well as Chancelade, another abbey of canons regular. He considered the time ripe for the presentation of the dossier on Grandmont. He began pav ing the way by disposing of the abbot's protest in a per-

sonal memorandum addressed to His Holiness which in cluded the following observations:

We have reason to believe that the Abbot of Grand mont has made his opposition to the King's brief known to Rome. He cannot and should not have done so without first having sought and obtained the King's permission. The laws of the kingdom prohibit any subject of the King from pleading his case abroad. Apart from this, Monseigneur the Bishop of Limoges as an interested party should have been informed

... Besides which the matter is not of a kind which can be readily understood in Rome where all the background information is not available. It is the state of the abbey itself which must decide whether it be suppressed or conserved. This cannot be established except by evidence acquired by a commissioner nomi nated by the Pope. It is to such a commissioner that the Abbot of Grandmont should submit his opposi tion. Any alternative procedure is contrary to the law of France. It is only out of respect for the Holy See that the Abbot of Grandmont has not been indicted before a legal tribunal which would have punished him in accordance with the law.

Cardinal de Bernis continues to plead the case of the di ocese of Limoges which he says:

is located in mountainous countryside and is one of the largest in the kingdom. It comprises close on a thousand parishes in most of which the inhabitants are very poor. The Bishop has little by way of revenue and it is therefore impossible for him to provide his people with the help and care they so desperately need. It was this fact which influenced the King to transfer into his keeping a superfluous religious house where the Rule has ceased to be observed. Its suppression, and the annexation of its revenues by the diocesan exchequer of Limoges, could not be more

in keeping with canon law nor more advantageous to the Church as a whole.29

It is significant that all the emphasis is on the poor and needy of the diocese. Not a word about the bishop's new palace and the debts which it led him to accrue.

Cardinal de Bernis committed a grave error of judgement when, in his memorandum, he mentioned the appoint ment of a papal commissioner to look into the affairs of Grandmont. In so doing he quite inadvertently made him self responsible for a long, tedious, and expensive delay. Lomenie de Brienne had anticipated that Pope Clement XIV would be sufficiently influenced by Monsieur de Cressac's letter to grant an instant bull of suppression. Instead, he was swayed by Cardinal de Bemis' casual reference and ordered an official enquiry. This, he directed, should be implemented by Monseigneur d' Argentre in his capacity as bishop of the diocese. The Commission of Regulars however, judged that it was both unfitting and embarrass ing for Monseigneur d' Argentre to carry out a task which required him to pass judgement in a case to which he himself was a party. They therefore proposed the substitu tion of Monseigneur Phelypeaux d'Herbault, Archbishop of Bourges. The decision served to reassure Monseigneur d' Argentre, inasmuch as Monseigneur d'Herbault had sat on the original Commission of Regulars and had plenty of experience in these matters; he had successfully stage managed several similar annexations. The pope raised no objection to Monseigneur d' Argentre being replaced by the archbishop of Bourges, and issued the necessary authority to enable him to proceed with his task. The document itself contains a serious error in that the monastery of Grand mont is erroneously classed by the papal officials as be longing to the order of St Benedict.

The Archbishop of Bourges declared himself delighted to perform the task assigned to him by the pope and a letter of 26 March assured Monseigneur d' Argentre of his full coop eration:

I will entrust to no-one, Monseigneur, the pleasure of carrying out an operation so agreeable to you and so beneficial for your diocese. I intend leaving Bourges on Easter Tuesday and will call on you to discharge the necessary formalities. As I shall have to go to Grandmont, I would ask you kindly to arrange for a horse litter as I am a bad horseman.30

To which Monseigneur the Bishop of Limoges replied: 'It will be the most wonderful day of my life when I have the honour of receiving you here.' Monseigneur d' Ar gentre was such a prolific and verbose letter writer that one is inclined to wonder how he found time to do anything else. This particular epistle rambles on for several pages which treat of petty details associated with Monseigneur d'Herbault's lodging and comforts. He refers to Grand mont as 'a frightful place' and the company there as 'not at all diverting'. He was therefore at pains to ensure that the Commissioner's stay be kept as short as is possible and reasonable.

While preparations for this visit were under way, Mon sieur de Cressac was hard at work under Lomenie's guid ance to ensure the abbot's downfall. A communication which he addressed to Monseigneur d' Argentre in April 1772 contains several hints and ploys which he hopes will hasten the victory. Among other things, he had compiled a list of the religious who, in his own words

will say more or less anything we wish them to say

... there is nothing these gallants would like more than to get out of Grandmont. However, they still dare not admit to it ... The others will do likewise and once the abbot finds himself on his own he will accept a pension.31

The archbishop of Bourges duly arrived in Limoges where he was royally received and entertained by Mon seigneur d' Argentre. On 26 April, he left for the abbey, where he received a less enthusiastic but nonetheless re-

spectful and courteous welcome from the abbot and his few religious. The following day, the first Sunday after Easter, he commenced his enquiry. The community assem bled in the chapter house to be questioned, and their responses were duly noted by Monseigneur d'Herbault's secretaries. What they omitted to note, however, were the reasons which accompanied certain of these responses. For example, when the religious were asked if they had any novices, they replied no, because the King had obliged them to send them away. In the papal commissioner's final

report it is simply stated: 'There is no course of studies and no novitiate.'32 Furthermore, it is recorded in the Memoire a Consulter et Consultation pour l'Abbe General de Grandmont that when the religious sought permission to summon a notary to record the proceedings on their own behalf, this

was resolutely denied them. According to the abbot, Mon seigneur d'Herbault also declined to read the full text of his papal brief to the assembled religious. Several other omis sions and misrepresentations can also be identified in the report, which in due course was submitted to Rome. For example, Monseigneur d'Herbault contented himself with listing the number of religious still inhabiting each of the remaining daughter houses but omitted any mention of the devious circumstances which had led to the disappearance of twelve other houses in the space of four years. Once again it is implied that the monks had freely and knowingly abandoned their Rule and their communities. Finally, Monseigneur d'Herbault observed that:

Despite the protection of His Majesty, the Abbot's attempt to re-establish a monastic life within the mother house of the Order has failed. He has not managed to obtain the support of even one religious.

The enquiry concluded, and the commissioner's report was read aloud to the religious who were then required to sign it. Only five out of the ten agreed to affix their signa tures: the abbot and his prior, together with three other loyal religious, walked out after refusing to sign a docu-

ment in which 'The truth was presented in such a strange way'.33

When Monseigneur d'Herbault arrived back in Limoges he was once again received with every possible honour. There remained only to note Monseigneur d' Argentre's official deposition of the state of his diocese which was appended to Monseigneur d'Herbault's own report. The diocese of Limoges, it stated, covered a very extensive area and included forty-seven towns, eight hundred sixty-eight parishes and forty-five succursal churches; the number of poor people dwelling within these parishes and succursals was considerable yet the resources at the disposal of the diocese were totally inadequate to lend them the aid that they required. This was all too true, the terrain in this very beautiful part of France is largely mountainous and agri culturally poor. The canton of Am.bazac, where Grand mont itself is situated, remains very much as Gerard Ithier, the seventh prior of Grandmont, described it in the twelfth century: rocky and barren.34 Even the major landowners had difficulty making ends meet while the peasants were almost totally and continually destitute. What the papal commissioner omitted to mention was that the annexation of the abbey of Grandmont was not intended for the bene fit of the poor or to alleviate the misery prevailing in many local parishes: Grandmont was ear-marked to help meet the costs of construction of the fine new episcopal palace.

When Monseigneur d'Herbault's Report eventually ar rived in Rome it was, not surprisingly, judged to be inade quate and Cardinal de Bernis was instructed to seek further information regarding five distinct points:

The exact amount of the revenues due to the Order.

A precise breakdown of all liabilities and expendi ture.

Exactly what was intended to be done with the churches of both the abbey and the daughter houses.

Following the suppression of the mother house, who was intended to be superior in charge of the other houses of the Order?

Was the suppression intended to extend to these other houses?

The first two of these queries posed no problem what soever, for, as Monseigneur d' Argentre's financial advi sor, de Cressac pointed out in a letter dated 20 June, the financial condition of the Order of Grandmont had already been ascertained by the Intendant of Limoges and was readily available. It was the fifth query which, as he put it:

might cause a little bit more of embarrassment. The majority of [the daughter houses] have already been suppressed and their revenues disposed of. Rome must not hear of this.35

Monseigneur d'Herbault then set to work on a docu ment, the contents of which had been dictated almost word for word by Lomenie de Brienne, which it was hoped would serve to allay any remaining papal scruples. The information necessary to answer questions one and two was quite innocuous and, as Monsieur de Cressac had observed, readily available. Lomenie de Brienne set it out in great detail so that it acted as an umbrella shading the questions which could not be answered so satisfactorily. No information whatsoever was included as to the fate of the churches attached to daughter houses; only that of the mother house. In Lomenie's opinion, this church-which, it is worth recalling, had only recently been rebuilt- was not worth saving, situated as it was in a very remote and inaccessible locality. The district was already well served by the church of St Sylvestre, in the village adjacent to Grandmont. Here we have the first indication of the inten tion to demolish a brand new church which contemporary opinion rated as 'one of the finest in the land'.

The final query was dispensed with quite simply. Mon seigneur d'Herbault officially informed His Holiness that

although previous appeals had requested the suppression of the abbey of Grandmont only, that really they should be extended to encompass all the houses of the Order which would be placed under the jurisdiction of the local ordi nary. They could then be put to good use as seminaries or houses of refuge for the aged and infirm. No mention was made of the fact that in numerous cases this had already occurred.

The calculated response to the papal enquiries had the desired effect, and on 22 July 1772, Cardinal de Bernis was joyously able to announce that Pope Oement XIV had granted the desired bull of union. The fate of the abbey of Grandmont and indeed the Grandmontines themselves was signed, sealed, and delivered. Numerous papal bulls had been directed to Grandmont in the course of the centuries, this, the last, incorporates two glaring inac curacies. In the first instance, it makes reference to: 'the Order of Grandmont of the Common Observance accord ing to the Rule of St Benedict'. Given that Lomenie de Brienne and the Commission of Regulars had all along been seeking the suppression of the Order of Grandmont on the pretext that the religious were failing to conform to the Rule of their Founder, St Stephen, it is highly ironic that Clement XIV concluded by suppressing a non-existent off-shoot of the Order of St Benedict.

The second error involves a reference to the king's right to nominate the abbot of Grandmont. Although the right invested in the Order to elect its own abbot had been interrupted for over a century when the commendatory system was imposed, the Ordinance of Blois (1579) had once again restored the right of free election to the monks. At the same time as Monseigneurs de Brienne and d'Herbault were formulating suitable responses to papal queries, the long suffering Abbot Mondain had, in his turn, been occupied with a last desperate petition to Rome. In this he begged His Holiness that,in the event of his agreeing to the annexation of his abbey to the diocese, it

might at least be postponed until after his death. The pope had agreed and this single humane condition had been written into the bull, much to Monseigneur d' Argentre's discomfiture. This gave place to downright distress when the information was imparted to him that the expenses incurred in obtaining the bull, a total of 18,000 livres, were being charged to his diocese. It began to look as though Monseigneur d' Argentre's successor would be the only one who stood to gain from this unhappy union.

Lomenie de Brienne was considerably more optimistic than Monseigneur d' Argentre and in a letter of consolation which he dispatched to him on 10 October he wrote:

Do not permit yourself to be worried by the Bull of Union, Monseigneur, we can work out a means of getting rid of the article which permits the abbot and his religious to continue residing in their house.

In the following paragraph he observed:

In order to spare you personally the expenses of the bull, we have been obliged to charge it up to your diocese, but even so I am counting on your not having to pay any interest, and sometime between now and Easter this matter will be put in order. M. de Cressac will be able to tell you how concerned I am to spare you any expense and to bring you joy as soon as possible.36

Once the inhabitants of the village of Grandmont real ised that nothing could now save their beloved abbey from extinction, they delivered a further and somewhat differ- • ent petition to the king. This asked that the Abbey church be designated parochial to be managed by four coadjutors. To provide for the charitable works which had always been discharged by the monks, they also requested the estab lishment of a school and six bed hospital. In addition they asked for the provision of an annual alms of three hundred setiers of wheat, previously supplied by the monks, for distribution to the poor of the local parishes.

Monseigneur d' Argentre had always maintained that the union of the abbey with his diocese would provide him the wherewithal to alleviate the misery and suffering so prevalent there. Now, however, he threw up his hands in horror at the enormity of the demands being submitted by the villagers. If the king decided to grant them, the burden of providing for them would devolve on him. He wrote, therefore, to the King's Minister to say that while he recog nised the need for compensation to be made to the vil lagers, yet as the person directly involved in the payment of this he did not feel qualified to say what the amount should actually be. The delicacy of his position was recog nised, and so the services of Lomenie de Brienne, Monseig neur d'Herbault, and the banker agent de Cressac were requested to perform the task which Monseigneur d' Ar gentre found too delicate and embarrassing to carry out himself. The three official agents of the Crown went to work, and together they decided that the claims were exorbitant and unwarranted and scaled them down accor dingly. They affirmed that when, and only when, the bishop of Limoges took possession of the abbey, the local inhabitants would be allowed a third priest to assist the cure and vicar of St Sylvestre with the additional par ishioners from Grandmont who had previously wor shipped at the abbey. There was no question of the abbey church becoming parochial. The stipends of both the junior priests or vicars would be provided and was set at three hundred livres per annum. An additional five hundred livres was budgeted for the employment of a schoolmaster to educate the boys of the parish and a further seven hundred livres to pay the expenses of two nuns who would under take the instruction of the girls. These sisters would also be responsible for the care of the sick and they were to be provided with a further six hundred livres per annum which would enable them to provide both medicines and soup for the sick of those parishes which had always depended on the abbey to supply such needs. This sum was deemed

sufficient for the sisters to provide help for the aged and orphans of the neighbourhood as well.

On the 21 February 1773, Leonard Barny, magistrate of the village of Grandmont, and Joseph de Latelise, physi cian, the most active campaigners for the preservation of the abbey, called a meeting in the priests' house alongside the church of St Sylvestre. Together they formulated a protest against the projected closure of the abbey which was taken down and attested by a notary. This document provides a very moving testimony to the services which the monks of Grandmont had provided to both themselves and their ancestors. It affirms that the infertile land of that mountainous region had always 'devoured the inhabi tants' and its cultivators never reaped so much as the price of their labours. When times were especially hard, the abbey of Grandmont constituted the one single resource that heaven provided for the miserable inhabitants. It pointed out that the responsibilities which the monks had always been pleased to discharge would place an intoler able burden on the diocese. In fact, far from benefiting from the annexation of the abbey, the diocese stood to lose because the union involved only those revenues which were due to the abbey from properties contained within its boundaries. In the three years prior to 1773, the religious had dispensed over 60,000 livres in alms, much of which had been provided from revenues which the abbot had at his disposal elsewhere.37

On the same day and at about the same time another meeting was held by the inhabitants of the local market town of Ambazac and a similar document resulted. Other of the surrounding parishes also held meetings and com piled equally moving testimonies. The people who met together to formulate these statements came from all walks of life, representatives of the local nobility and landowners who, when harvests failed, were as dependent as their own labourers upon the monks' generosity. Local trades men, craftsmen, doctors, schoolmasters, all united to bear

witness to the usefulness and charity of the religious of Grandmont. Their combined testimony is in striking con trast to the negative indictment compiled and submitted by Lomenie de Brienne to Rome. Far from pursuing useless, worthless, and decadent lives, these monks would appear to have been not merely teaching but enacting the Gospel message throughout the region. If the Divine Offices were neglected and the choir stalls empty at Grandmont, it was because their occupants were caring for the neighbour hood as combined priests, schoolmasters, doctors, nurses, and social workers. The people of Ambazac make particu lar mention of the frequent ill-health suffered by their own pastor and his assistant curate and the number of times thirty in one year- when a priest from Grandmont substi tuted for them. They speak of the willingness of the monks to come to their aid in all weathers and to negotiate roads which, even today, become almost impassable in winter.

Admittedly the Grandmontines had not been founded to

perform a pastoral and social role, in fact their Rule specifi cally forbade it. However, other of the religious orders had been forced to adapt their lives and activities to suit the climate of the times, especially in the eighteenth century.

Louis J. Lekai, writing of his own Order of Citeaux, notes

how such contemplative orders attempted to insure the survival of their organisations at a time when the monastic life was no less unpopular with a large proportion of the hierarchy than with the philosophes, 'by engaging their monks in activities of demonstrable social significance' .38 Lomenie de Brienne himself, in one of his letters to Mon seigneur d' Argentre on the subject of compensation for the local people, was forced to admit: 'generally speaking monasteries give alms particularly within their own envi rons'.39 However he considered the eighteen hundred livres demanded by the villagers to be exorbitant and pro posed three hundred as more than sufficient.

The only local person who did not lend his support to the cause of the monks was the Abbe Bourdeaux, the vicar

assisting the Cure of St Sylvestre. On19 February, he wrote to the Bishop of Limoges to inform him of the meeting which was due to be held by the local residents in the presbytery and to offer his services as an informer. It is an ugly crawling letter through which the priest was quite obviously seeking preferment in return for his dubious services.40 The behaviour of the vicar is in complete con trast to that of the parish priest himself. Monsieur le Cure Guerin was devoted to the abbot and singularly concerned regarding the detrimental effect that the disappearance of the abbey would have upon his already deprived flock. His own letter to the bishop, stating the need for his parish to be compensated, evoked a polite but curt response, through which Monseigneur d' Argentre made it quite clear that he regarded him as an adversary. His tone en flamed the worthy cure who immediately summoned a notary and in the presence of his vicar, Bourdeaux, and another witness, dictated a forceful protest against the expulsion of the monks and the closure of their abbey. He demanded, somewhat unrealistically, that half the annual tithes due to the abbey together with all endowments pledged to the church of Grandmont should be devoted to the welfare of his parishioners. He also demanded a sec ond vicar to assist with the numerous duties which had previously been performed by the monks.

In the spring of 1773, Abbot Mondain decided to institute an appeal against the execution of the bull of suppression through the civil courts. Just four of the remaining religious were willing to lend their support to this move: Doms de Fontvielle, Pichon, Muret, and Beaubreuil. However, a further two supporters had turned up at the Abbey, both having been expelled from their own monasteries, Dom Salot de Tourniolles and Dom Vergniaud. The latter was destined to be the last of the Grandmontines.

On 26 February a canonical enquiry, the recognised pre liminary to the execution of a bull of suppression, opened in Limoges. It was held in the great hall of the seminary

and presided over by a delegate sent by the Apostolic Commissioner from Bourges, Monsieur de la Vauverte. Monseigneur d'Herbault was otherwise engaged seeking the closure of the great cluniac priory of St Benedict on the Loire. The canonical enquiry should have been a mere formality and hence neither Lomenie de Brienne nor Mon seigneur d' Argentre anticipated any problems. Their hopes of a speedy and smooth settlement were to be shat tered, however, by Abbot Mondain's civil appeal. This had been formally noted by the Parlement of Paris with the result that, on the second day of the proceedings, there was a dramatic intervention by an official courier with orders to suspend the enquiry forthwith. Messengers were dispatched to Versailles to seek further instructions and both Monsieur de la Vauverte and Monseigneur d'Ar gentre were obliged to wait as patiently as they were able for their return. On 5 March, the King's Procurator arrived in Limoges and suspended the enquiry indefinitely.

Ever since its convocation in 1768, the Commission of Regulars had been becoming increasingly unpopular not only among humble country priests who deplored the closure of so many useful institutions, but also with certain high ranking clerics. Prominent among its critics was the archbishop of Paris and his friend Monseigneur Giraud, the papal nuncio to France. They shared the fairly general view that the expulsion of the Jesuits from France had constituted a disaster for the educational life of the nation. Their departure had in fact created a need which secular educators had been unable to fulfil satisfactorily. The pro jected suppression of the Grandmontines had also given rise to murmurings in high places, and a considerable correspondence on the subject had passed between the nuncio and the archbishop of Paris the previous year.41 Unfortunately, this awareness came too late. The work of Cardinal de Bernis in Rome was already well advanced and the two eminent champions of the religious life decided that it was not worth while wasting their influence in the

260 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

support of minor institutes or in defending causes which seemed irretrievably lost. Nevertheless, the suspension of the Limoges enquiry would seem to have been part and parcel of a general change of heart with regard to the religious orders and a corresponding diminuition of the influence wielded by the Commission of Regulars. Sadly, it came too late to save the Grandmontines from extinction.

The gloom and despondency which Monseigneur d' Ar gentre must have been suffering, as once again he was obliged to gaze upon his retreating prize, was temporarily alleviated by a Grandmontine who paid him a visit on the 2 March. Dom Babinet proved to be the representative of those of the religious who had been won over either by Lomenie himself or, by de Cressac. Convinced that the Order of Grandmont had no possible future, they had turned against the abbot and were prepared as de Cressac had predicted to throw themselves upon the mercy of the king. Dom Babinet had a document of capitulation signed by four confreres who, by reason of their age and infir mities, were unable to make the journey to Limoges.

Monseigneur d' Argentre hastened to inform Lomenie of this heartening betrayal, but also expressed his concern at the current obstacle which was barring his way to victory. In his reply, dated 7 March, Lomenie wrote reassuringly:

I am in receipt of the various papers you have sent me and I continue to be unafraid; even less since I have seen the Abbot's request which seems the most feeble defence that could possibly be proposed ... I do not know yet which path we shall follow. The state ment provided by the five religious is an excellent document.42

Lomenie de Brienne had already warned Monseigneur d' Argentre that his presence in Paris might prove to be necessary, and as the Council of State was soon scheduled to concern itself with the business of Grandmont he sug gested that the bishop should hasten his departure. Abbot

Mondain was also preparing to leave for Paris with the intention of enlisting the help of various protectors on whom he believed he could count. The bishop received word of this plan through one of his agents, a singularly distasteful informer who had managed to get himself ac cepted at Grandmont. This character was the brother of Dom Vergniaud, a former religious of the grandmontine priory at Rouen who, when this house was suppressed, joined the little community remaining at Grandmont, after spending some time with his family. He was one of the most devoted of the abbot's supporters. By coincidence, his brother was a parish priest attached to the diocese of Limoges and to all intents and purposes a staunch sup porter of the monks with whom he spent much of his time. Little did Dom Vergniaud know that he was a spy for the bishop, to whom all his confidences were faithfully transmitted.

This priest-informer put most of his information in writ ing, and a lengthy note which he passed to the bishop shortly before the latter's departure for Paris, contains what must be an accurate account of the somewhat con fused state of affairs prevailing within the abbey. Thus d' Argentre was able to learn, among other matters, just who were the supporters and protectors of the Order with whom the abbot was in touch both in the capital and elsewhere. Through Monsieur l' Abbe Vergniaud, Mon seigneur d' Argentre also gleaned valuable information as to the state of the abbey's finances. He must have been particularly concerned to hear that the abbot had openly declared his intention to continue distributing considerable amounts of money in alms. Vergniaud also discovered and informed Monseigneur d' Argentre that the lawyer em ployed by the abbot was reputed to be somewhat inor dinately fond of money and thus might be 'won over'. Having begged 'His Grandeur' the bishop not to compro mise him in any way because the least suspicion on the part of the loyal religious would jeopardise his chances of secur-

ing any additional information, Vergniaud concludes his note with the words:

I will keep the Grandmontine [his brother] here for as long as I am able in order to get from him all the information possible.43

The priest Vergniaud was also able to obtain from his unsuspecting brother a copy of the memorandum which Monsieur de la Balme, the abbot's lawyer, had addressed to the king. This was not only an attempt to justify the appeal; it was a carefully worded legal document which drew attention to all the irregularities and illegalities which had been perpetrated by those seeking the ruin of the Order of Grandmont. It represents a concise and lucid summary of the case for the defence and in the opening paragraph comes straight to the point:

Sire, Frarn;:ois-Xavier Mondain de la Maison Rouge, Abbot General of the Order of Grandmont, most humbly makes representation to Your Majesty inas much as he remains unconvinced that Your Majesty is properly informed as to all he has suffered as the result of the Edict of 1768. This did no more than command the reform of the religious orders, but it resulted in the emergence of a conspiracy to annihilate the Order of Grandmont and to suppress its Abbey.

The statement proceeds with an account of the origins of the Order and outlines the praiseworthy and austere life led by its founder, St Stephen. It recalls the family connec tion between the saint and the Bourbons. It notes the principle tenets of the Rule and the subsequent modifica tions. It refers to the vicissitudes which afflicted the Order in the course of the centuries, concluding with the un happy events of the previous few years. It then protests against the successive measures which, in the four years since 1768, effectively reduced the Order from thirty houses and over a hundred religious, to a single house and fewer than ten religious. It maintains that the various

letters patent and royal briefs authorising these measures were all obtained through devious and underhand means. Mention is made of the irregularity of the conduct of Dom Nicod, Vicar General of the Strict Observance. Reference is made to the misunderstanding which had arisen between the Commissioners and the religious as to the exact infer ence of the words 'return to the Rule'. It is clearly pointed out that the suppression of the branch of the Strict Obser vance represented an outstanding contradiction as they were already practising the reforms which the Commission was proposing. It calls the king's attention to the isolation and powerlessness of the abbot when his determined ef forts to realise a reform were frustrated by the suppres sions and annexations of monasteries without his consent. It continues:

The Abbot of Grandmont is not the only one to com plain about this suppression and the subsequent an nexations which have taken place in the various dioceses where the possessions of the Order were situated. A considerable number of his religious of both Observances, faithful to their vows and mindful of their duties, motivated by the same spirit of piety and religion as the suppliant himself, have registered the most vehement opposition to these operations insofar as they have been aware of them. ff others appear to have held their tongues, it was in fear of arousing displeasure or of being deprived of their only remaining means of livelihood. Moreover, a large number of novices remain at the ready to join their Abbot General and live in the Abbey of Grandmont in conformity with the new constitutions presented by the suppliant in conformity with the Edict of 1768. They await only for Your Majesty to grant them the necessary permission.

The bull, together with the [royal] brief was ob

tained through the submission of false evidence. A regular community life is observed at the Abbey and

the Rule of St Stephen with certain mitigations au thorised by the Holy See is observed. The Bishop of Limoges can count on 30,000 livres by way of revenue, his needs cannot be so pressing that in order to gain a supplementary income he is prepared to sacrifice such an illustrious Order, one which has been in existence for seven centuries, been enriched by sovereign mon archs and gained the respect of all. It is as valuable to the State as to the Church. Furthermore, the bull, which enfolds a number of reasons for the appeal, is completely contrary to the customs of the Gallican Church.

The presentation of this case has aroused a great deal of interest among the public generally and given rise to some inquietude regarding the activities of the Commission of Regulars. The initial clamour has died down and it is now the Council of State and the Parlement alone who will once again have to concern themselves with this case in a month's time. In order to combat the arr t of 17 February, Lomenie has pre pared a paper which lists the main irregularities which are apparent in the bull which is currently being con tested by the appellants with the assent of the Parle ment. These irregularities having been presented for the observations and responses of the Commission. We hereby present a summary of this work which almost certainly has emerged from the pen of either de Pialle or de Thieriot. [Secretaries to the Commission of Regulars].

The Order of Grandmont was wrongfully designated inasmuch as it was said to observe the Rule of St Benedict.

It stated that the King held the right of nomination of the Abbot. This is a major falsehood.

ANSWER The Commission declares that it attaches no importance whatsoever to these two grievances.

ANSWER

4. (Cont'd)

ANSWER

4. (Cont'd)

ANSWER 5.

The bull maintains that a regular monas tic life no longer exists. This is false evi dence; a regular community life has always been observed at the Abbey.

The commentator has misunderstood the terminology. The bull employs the term disciplina not, vita

The bull contains certain unusual clauses which are contrary to the liberties en joyed by the Gallican Church as well as the customs of the Kingdom. It dispenses with certain rules which have been pre scribed by the Lateran and other Coun cils. According to the formal declaration of 1682 which is still upheld in France, the Pope has no authority over ecumenical councils.

We maintain that the bull carries a special derogation not, a dispensation. More over, this derogation is formulated in the manner normally employed in bulls.

Whilst the bull prohibits any recourse to law, it confers the right of judges to pro nounce in conformity with its contents. The Sovereign Pontiff is therefore pre suming to exercise the rights of sover eignty within this Kingdom.

Mere formulas! If so strict a ruling were enforced it would no longer be possible to receive either bulls or brevets in France. It prohibits the lodging of any appeal whatsoever against its rulings before any court; it declares all judgments passed against it to be null and void.

Formulas and more formulas!

The bull is the most irregular which has ever appeared in France inasmuch as it

266 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

dispenses with all the usual procedures which have been laid down for the con duct of such unions both by the councils of the Church and the laws of the King dom.

ANSWER It is a question of derogation not dispen sation. Furthermore, this is mere quib bling over formalities.

In his report, the Archbishop of Bourges did not observe any of the required for malities.

ANSWER The information contained in this report is not merely sufficient, it is superabun dant; moreover, it is all quite in order. The official concerned was acting within his powers when he checked the objec tors.

6. (Cont'd) There are in this bull such manifest, such outstanding, abuses contrary to the Galli can Church and to the customs of the Kingdom that, if such a bull were to be enforced, it would set a very dangerous precedent. There would be no manner of claim which the Court of Rome could not authorise. The royal authority is being compromised, civil liberties dissipated and our most inviolable principles under mined. Parlement must consider it a duty to review the appeal against the irregu larities contained in the bull. It is incredi ble that any of the King's subjects should even dare to take a stand against this arret.

ANSWER We reply that the claimants appear to be totally unfamiliar with the language of papal bulls. With regard to their last argu ment: It was the King who requested the bull in the first place.44

The abbot's main line of argument regarding the bull of suppression asserted that he was disputing the authority neither of the pope nor the king but the fact that they had both been erroneously advised; and the bull was irregular as the direct result of misinformation they had received from their advisors. This line of reasoning availed him naught as the Commission, advised by Lomenie, contin ued to insist that the pope had issued the bull at the king's own request.

On 21May1773, the Royal Council issued a decree which effectively quashed the stay of execution which the Parle ment of Paris issued the previous February and the pro cedure for the annexation of the abbey of Grandmont was able to go forward. The abbot, for his part, had succeeded in contacting some of the monks who had been dispersed from various of the daughter houses and was well on the way to assembling a sufficiently impressive number around twenty-five-who desired nothing more than to live out their days peaceably observing the rule of St Step hen at Grandmont. He also made representation to several of the former grandmontine priors who still held their houses in commendam. These gentlemen knew on which side their bread was buttered, having been assured by Lomenie that their rights and revenues would be re spected. They were certainly not prepared to run the risk of losing these rights by lending their support to the abbot's cause.

Monsieur de la Vauverte, the deputy nominated by the archbishop of Bourges to conduct proceedings on his be half, returned to Limoges in August 1773 to complete the task which had ben interrupted in February. By 25 August, he had managed to interview all the interested parties in Limoges and made a preliminary visit to the abbey itself for the purpose of assessing the state of the buildings. This business satisfactorily terminated, he returned to Bourges. The same autumn, Dom Razat became directly respon sible for a further attempt to sabotage the abbot's efforts to

save his Order from extinction. Two of Abbot Mondain's main supporters, Dom Chapellet de Fontvielle and Dom Muret, had been dispatched to Paris to try to gain further support for their cause from various sympathetic notables including the archbishop and Madame Louise, the intel ligent and pious daughter of Louis xv. While this royal lady, who ended her days in the seclusion of a carmelite convent, showed herself to be extremely sympathetic, her filial devotion to her spiritual father precluded her from querying a papal decision. The archbishop, for his part, frequently questioned and criticised the dubious activities of the Commission of Regulars, yet even he was not pre pared to quarrel with a papal bull. The two unfortunate Grandmontines were very badly treated when, in despera tion, they threw themselves upon the mercy of the Com mission. It was in the course of this meeting that they encountered Dom Razat who had re-assumed the title of Procurator General of the Order but who, in reality, was aiding and abetting the Commission to succeed in its aims. He made a convincing show of consoling and assisting his brothers in religion, pleading for them and seeming to avert the Commissioners' anger. Later, at the College Mig non, this zealous convert of Lomenie cunningly sounded them out and ascertained the extent to which their loyalties to the abbot could be undermined. Once he had wormed his way into their confidence, he managed to convince the completely demoralised brethren that they were fighting for a lost cause and should consider their own interests and accept the benefices which Lomenie was prepared to offer them. The admirable pair stumbled and almost fell, but then, ashamed of their momentary weakness, they re turned to Grandmont more determined than ever to sup port their abbot to the end. Dom Chapellet died before the abbot, while Dom Muret lived to experience the grief occa sioned both by the death of his superior and the actual expulsion of the remaining monks from Grandmont.

At Grandmont, the five religious, the cinq gaillards as Monsieur de Cressac referred to them, who had signed

their approval of the suppression in the presence of Mon sieur de la Vauverte, now sought permission to leave the abbey and receive the pensions which they had been allo cated. In all probability they had good reason for making this request, for their continued residence at the mother house must have been becoming increasingly uncomfort able with each day that passed. Their public approval of the union was known and they cannot have been exactly pop u1ar with the loyalists. Their formal request was drafted and submitted to the Commission by a lawyer, Monsieur Tanchon. It was heeded by the Commission which, on 18 September, issued a decree authorising the five of them to quit the abbey provided they transferred to a monastery designated by the bishop. Each of them was to be afforded a pension of 1,000 livres per annum.45 As the abbey and its revenues had not yet been united with the diocese, the abbot was legally liable for the payment of these pensions to the ex-Grandmontines. Thus it was that a short while after their departure, he received letters from two of them requesting the payment of the first installment. Abbot Mondain accepted the justice of these claims, but instead of paying the money to them personally, he arranged for it to be sent to the superiors of the religious establishments to which they had been assigned. Brother Jabet responded bitterly saying that the decree had clearly awarded the pensions to each monk for his own personal use and that the abbot's action had forced him to purchase winter clothing on credit. He threatened to notify the authorities if this debt was not honoured. The following spring, Mon seigneur d'Argentre was informed by his spy Vergniaud, parish priest of Magnac, that Jabet had asked to be received back into the community at Grandmont. The tolerant and patient abbot, it appears, was only too delighted towel come him back despite the reservations of the religious. However, Jabet died shortly afterwards and the reconcilia tion was never realised.

In the October of the year 1773, Lomenie de Brienne paid a personal visit to Limoges in a final bid to persuade

the abbot to see reason, drop his appeal, and bow to the inevitable. Unfortunately there is no record of the en counter between the high-powered, cunning, and devious Archbishop Lomenie and the humble but tenacious Abbot Mondain. Whatever tactics Lomenie may have employed in his attempt to convince the abbot, they did not succeed. The archbishop went on his way and the deadlock con tinued.

Following the stay of Parlement which had been annu

lled by the King's Council, Abbot Mondain had managed to secure four additional parliamentary decrees which sim ply had the effect of delaying tactics. Each one called for further examination of the evidence submitted in the pri mary appeal against the bull. When, therefore, Monseig neur d' Argentre returned to Limoges following a prolonged absence of eight months, his delight in his al most completed palace surrounded by fine gardens which rivalled those of Versailles was marred only by the intoler able and wearisome delay which these appeals had pro voked.

On 27 February 1774, Lomenie secured a conciliar decree which declared all previous stays of execution ordered by

the Parlement null and void. Once again the jubilation of Monseigneur d' Argentre was short-lived, for on 2 March the Parlement upheld the decree which it had issued the previous July and which stated that the Apostolic Delegate should not proceed with the union. Despite this fact, and in defiance of it, Lomenie, backed by the Commission, pressed the Apostolic Delegate from Bourges to return to Limoges and resume his enquiries. Between the 22 and 25 August 1774, Monsieur de la Vauverte was once again installed in the great hall of the seminary at Limoges. All the parties concerned were given an opportunity to speak, but once again Monseigneur d' Argentre was conspicuous by his absence. Neither did his name appear on the list of notables who had assembled to witness proceedings. The protests aired by representatives of the parishes in the

vicinity of Grandmont on this occasion bear a further heart warming testimony to the useful and charitable activities of the last monks of Grandmont. Objections were also regis tered by the inhabitants of villages that lay further afield: Razes, Saint-Pierre, Saint-Leger-la-Montagne, Compreig nac, Forges, Bessines, Bersac, Jabreilles, Saint-Michel Lauriere, and Saint-Sulpice-Lauriere all sent repre sentatives. In addition, numerous individual protests were heard.

The enquiry was a mere formality and once concluded it remained only for the Apostolic Delegate to proceed once again to Grandmont for an official survey. On1 September, he arrived at the abbey accompanied by Messieurs Martial Chateau and Jacques Cajon, architects of Limoges. They were courteously greeted by the abbot and his monks who then retired as a body. Monsieur Barny, the local notary, then stepped forward and delivered a strong protest in the name of the community. He further informed Monsieur de la Vauverte that the religious would not cease in their efforts to obtain justice. He then demanded that Monsieur de la Vauverte should state whether he intended inserting his protest in the official record. The response was wholly negative with Monsieur de la Vauverte reserving the right to include it or not as he saw fit. Dom Pichon then returned and the inventory proceeded. Everything was found to be in more or less the same condition as it was when Monsieur de Lepine had compiled his inventory three years before. Monsieur de la Vauverte then left the abbey, but the two architects remained until 7 September surveying the build ing, lands, and properties.

The official enquiry and business once completed, there commenced the long wait for the decree ordering the actual enactment of the bull. Abbot Mondain continued to do everything possible to delay it even longer. He dug up every possible legal technicality which might prejudice the case of his adversaries. He had recourse to the most ob scure laws and by-laws which might assist his cause and of

which, as Guibert observes, there was a veritable arsenal in the France of that day. Groups of local protestors also busied themselves with claims and counter-claims having to do with the irregularities perpetrated during the formal enquiry. Far from reaching its logical conclusion, the busi ness was becoming ever more complicated and Monseig neur d' Argentre must have despaired of ever being able to extricate himself from the sea of red tape threatening to submerge him utterly.

A memorandum submitted to the Council for Ecclesiasti

cal Affairs by Monsieur Lalanne, the abbot's lawyer at this time, contains very little new evidence. It does, however, view the papal error which referred to the Grandmontine as Benedictines, in a significant new legal light. According to this lawyer, the incorrect appellation legally invalidated the entire bull. He further maintained that the pope had not only mistaken the facts, that he was also totally un aware of the magnitude of the act he had all unwittingly ordered. He thought he was uniting a single monastery and its few dependencies which together represented a dried up and degenerate branch of the Order of St Bene dict. Instead, he had unintentionally given his consent to the extermination of a separate, independent religious order.46

This state of deadlock continued for five years. Then, on 27 April 1779, the religious were once again rudely shaken out of any false sense of security that this extended respite may have permitted them. The sudden renewal of activ ities detrimental to the cause of Grandmont was due en tirely to Monseigneur d' Argentre. His patience finally exhausted, the prelate had, for the first time in the long history of litigation, stormed Paris and accosted the Com mission of Regulars in person. He must have pleaded his case well, because the Commissioners instantly passed his dossier to the King's Council which quashed all previous stays of execution. The latest had been granted in Septem ber 1775 to permit the monks to pursue the appeals which

had been little more than half-hearted legal sorties. The 1779 decree embraced and dispensed with all previous oppositions and declared that the king willed a single, firm judgement. A further year went by and in September 1780 the Commissioners ordered the canonical procedure to continue. In fact, there were only a few formalities to complete and on 27 June 1781, Monsieur de Maufoult, a senior official in the employment of the archbishop of Bourges, affixed his signature to the decree which ordered the union of the abbey of Grandmont with the diocese of Limoges.

By the year 1780, Louis XVI had been on the throne for six years, during which time religion had once again become fashionable at Versailles. The critics of the Commission of Regulars had met with a great deal more sympathy from the new king than they had from his grandfather. On 17 August 1780, Monseigneur de Lau, archbishop of Arles, addressed a strong and eloquent speech to the Assembly General of the Clergy, in which he lamented the wilful destruction of no less than nine separate religious congre gations in France. The Grandmontines figured at the head of his list. The text of this speech was passed to the king himself and shortly afterwards, a petition was addressed to the pope in the name of the Assembly of the Clergy. This in turn speaks of the tears shed by the faithful throughout France over the ruin of so many houses of religion and the disappearance of so many religious congregations both of monks and canons regular.

Sadly this brief religious renaissance, no less than the piety of the ill-fated Louis XVI, came too late to reprieve the Order of Grandmont. Although the Commission of Regu lars was disbanded by order of the king in March 1780, happily for Monseigneur d' Argentre, the death sentence had been formally and irreversibly pronounced. He was still to be subjected to some intensely irritating delays, however. In March 1782, the letters patent confirming the decree of union were submitted to the Parlement of Paris,

which refused to endorse them. A report submitted the following month to the Commission for Unions made it known that the Parlement had once again noted certain irregularities in the manner in which the Apostolic Dele gate had handled affairs. Further legal haggling ensued and the letters patent were modified. On 20 June they were re-registered without encountering any further parliamen tary objections. In accordance with the letters patent, the pensions which had been allocated for the religious were raised from one thousand to twelve hundred livres. Permis sion was granted for the abbot and his religious to live the remainder of their lives at the abbey.

The number of Grandmontines who participated in the final stages of the history of their Order was rapidly dimin ishing. Dom Salot de Tourniolles and Dom Chapellet de Fontvielle had died, the latter while visiting Cha.tenet, the remaining house of grandmontine nuns just south of Li moges. Abbot Mondain himself was far from well; he had entered his eightieth year and twenty years of unmitigated struggle and litigation were taking their toll of the old man. Dom Muret and Dom Beaubreuil remained the only per manent residents at the abbey, where they were occa sionally joined by Dom Pichon who was looking after the interests of the little daughter house at Muret, birthplace of the Order.

On 1 April 1787, Fran ois-Xavier Mondain de la Maison

Rouge, twenty-seventh and last abbot of Grandmont, breathed his last. Apart from the three regular companions who had supported him through his last, painful years, two other Grandmontines attended him at his death: Dom Fabre, formerly of the Strict Observance, and Dom le Borlhe from the Rouen house of Notre Dame du Pare. The following day, these, the last five sons of the Family of St Stephen, buried their abbot in the cloister. The site of his grave and indeed those of his predecessors are now lost to view beneath the village of Grandmont.

The condition that the monks should also be permitted to end their days at Grandmont was totally disregarded.

As soon as Monseigneur d' Argentre received word of the abbot's decease, he contacted Lomenie de Brienne and together they moved in for the kill. Just two of the monks remained in residence at the abbey; Doms Breaubreuil, le Borlhe, and Fabre, not wishing to undergo the process of eviction at the hands of the bishop, had returned to their respective families shortly after the abbot's death. This left Doms Muret and Pichon, together with a few aging domes tics, as the only inhabitants. In July 1788, they received formal notice to quit. In vain did they plead that the terms of Article 7 of the decree of union be honoured. They were told that they themselves had requested at the General Chapter of 1768 that the community be allowed to remain in existence until after the abbot's death. Now the abbot was dead and that was that they must prepare to leave at once. The bishop backed up his decision by securing a decree of council dated 7 October ordering them to vacate the abbey. They were given one more fortnight in which to make their arrangements.

Dom Muret had been born and bred in the little village of Grandmont; he still had relatives in the neighbourhood and so he returned to live with them. Dom Pichon was from further afield in the Perigord and he was unable to reconcile himself to living so far away from the spiritual home in which he had vowed himself to pass the remain der of his days. He therefore begged the bishop to permit him to go and live in the little monastery of Muret. Mon seigneur d' Argentre agreed to this and magnanimously gave him a small plot of adjoining land to cultivate. He also gave instructions that he be supplied from the sacristy at Grandmont with a chalice, paten, vestments of the various liturgical colours, and altar linen. Thus Dom Pichon was enabled to continue celebrating Mass in the little chapel close to the spot where St Stephen's own primitive oratory had stood and where, on 8 February 1124, he had died. For the next few years on this, the feastday of the founder, Dom Pichon was joined by his former brothers in religion until finally the Revolution caused him to abandon Muret.

According to an amusing anecdote still told by the local people of Grandmont, the last two monks had barely closed the door of the abbey behind them before the bishop rushed up to take possession of his prize. As he entered, he tripped and fell headlong at the foot of a statue of St Stephen. This prompted one of the villagers to cry out with glee, 'Look, Monseigneur is making his apologies to St Stephen.' Regrettably this tale has no foundation in fact and it seems most unlikely that 'Monseigneur' put in a personal appearance at the abbey at this time. Neverthe less, it was with somewhat unseemly haste that his officials set to work on the despoliation of the great abbey. Reliqu aries and sacred vessels were distributed throughout the parishes of the diocese. The priceless Limoges enamelling and metals which coated altars and tombs was stripped off by the bishop's workmen who performed their task every bit as efficiently as the Protestants had done two centuries earlier. The precious manuscripts from the library were sold by weight to tradesmen for wrapping paper. The furniture and furnishings were auctioned off to the highest bidders. The lead which was stripped from the roofs of the almost new buildings alone fetched 30,000 livres.

In 1791, the cure of St Sylvestre was influenced by the revolutionary spirit which prevailed at the time to describe the scene of devastation thus:

This fine, celebrated Abbey is nothing but a ruin which a whole horde of barbarians could not have reduced to a more deplorable and sadder state.

Shortly afterwards, the National Assembly ordered all the belongings of the clergy to be sold and the abbey itself was declared a Bien national and sold for the benefit of the State on 18 March 1791. The prize which Lomenie de Brienne and Monseigneur d' Argentre had devoted almost twenty years to acquiring was lost almost as soon as it was gained.

It is to Monseigneur d' Argentre's credit that he refused to take the oath of allegiance which the revolutionary gov-

ernment required of the clergy. In consequence, he was obliged to flee from France as an emigre. He died, still in exile at Munster in Westphalia in1808, aged eighty-five. In his will, he bequeathed the sum of 8,000 livres to his former diocese; 3,000 for repairs to the cathedral, 2,000 to the Sisters of Charity, 2,000 to the hospice at Limoges and1,000 to help the poor of the city. It has been said of Monseigneur d' Argentre that he wanted to uphold the dignity of his ecclesiastical state and that it would have been more ac ceptable if he had maintained it with a martyr's crown a few years later.47 It might be even more acceptable to consider that his long years of exile in Westphalia afforded him the time to consider and repent his part in this tragic history that the terms of his will represented a possible gesture of remorse and reparation for the vanity and greed which contributed to the wanton destruction of the Order of Grandmont.

NOTES

References to Louis Guibert, Destruction de L'Ordre et de L'Abbaye de Grandmont are to the single volume edition published 1887 (Paris: H. Champion; Limoges: Veuve H. Ducourtieux) and not to the original text which appeared in the Bulletin de la Societe Archeologique et Historique du Limousin between the years 1885-87.

P. Chevalier, Lomenie de Brienne et L'Ordre Monastique (Paris: 1959).

Archives Nationales, 0 567, no. 10, cited by Gui, p. 168

Gui, p. 169.

Gui, p. 195

Archives Nationales, 0 547, no. 1 dossier 2, cited Gui, p. 195.

The full text of this Report which, in all probability, was written by

M. Thieriot, Secretary to the Commission, is preserved in the Archives Nationales, 0 547, cited Gui, p.199.

D. Seward, 'The Grandmontines-A Forgotten Order' Downside Review 83 (1965) 262.

Gui, p. 216, cites L'Abbe Legros: 'On blame le titulaire de cette abbaye de ne s' tre pas oppose avec assez de vigeur a son extinction.' mss du grand-seminaire de Limoges. This collection of documents relevant to the disbanding of the Order of Grandmont is contained in the Archives de la Haute Vienne but is not available for consultation at present.

The full title of this work is Memoire a Consulter et Consultation Pour L'Abbe General de Grandmont, au sujet de la Suppression de Son Abbaye, et de Son Union au Siege Episcopal de Limoges (Paris: P.G. Simon, 1773).

Ibid., p. 34.

Memoire sur l'etat religieux, p. 405 ff, cited Gui,p. 227

The full text of Lomenie de Brienne's Report for the Commission of Regulars is in the Archives Nationales O 547, no. 1 dossier 2; cited Gui, pp233-37.

Ibid., cited Gui, p. 236.

Registres de la Commission, Bibliotheque Nationale mss fran ais, 13846; cited Gui, p. 240.

Memoire a Consulter etc. Pieces Justificatives, No. 3 Representations de L'Abbe de Grandmont au Sujet des Lettres Patentes du Fevrier 1769, p.7

The full text of the memorandum of instructions issued to Dom Daguerre by Lomenie de Brienne is headed: 'Memoire pour servir

d'instruction a M. Daguerre pour less operations a faire a l'abbaye de

Grandmont en execution des lettres-patentes du 24 fevrier 1769' It is preserved in the Archives Nationales, 0 547 no. 1; cited Gui, pp. 285-89.

Monseigneur d'Argentre's copy of the memorandum sent by Lomenie de Brienne to Dom Daguerre together with the drafted letter requiring the abbot's signature and his personal letter addressed to the abbot, are in the Archives de la Haute Vienne.

The document of submission signed by the monks is in the Ar- chives Nationales, 0 547, no. 1; cited Gui, pp 294-96

Archives Nationales, 0 547; cited Gui p. 302.

Archives de la Haute Vienne; cited Gui, p. 309

Ibid., cited Gui, pp 317-18.

Turgot's Report to the Minister, La Vrilliere, dated19 April1771, is in the Archives Nationales, 0 547, no. 1, dossier 2; cited Gui, p. 317.

Ibid, cited Gui, pp 317-18.

Memoire a Consulter, Pieces Justificatives 8-12, (see note 9) pp 15-25.

The letter from Lomenie de Brienne to Monseigneur d' Argentre is in the Archives de la Haute Vienne no. 1200; cited Gui, p. 326.

The royal brief is in the Archives Nationales, 0547, no1, dossier 1; cited Gui, pp 347-48, footnote 1. The memorandum from Monseigneur d' Argentre which accompanied the brief is no.1200 in the Archives de la Haute Vienne.

Dom Babinet's reply to Lomenie de Brienne's letter co-signed by Jabet, Bresse and Lecomte is in the Archives Nationales, 0 547, no. 1 dossier 1.

See note 26.

Note attached to the dispatch sent to Rome by Cardinal de Bemis 16 November 1771. Archives des Affaires Etrangeres: Correspondance de Rome; cited Gui pp 357-360.

The full text of this letter is in the Archives de la Haute Vienne, no. 1200; it is partially cited by Guibert p. 369.

Ibid., cited Gui, pp 377.

Monseigneur d'Herbault's curt observation was actually 'Neque cursum studii, neque novitiatem existere pro paucitate religiosorum.' Proces verbal de L'Archeveque de Bourges, Archives Nationales, 0 570 no. 1 dossier 1.

For the full text of the Report of the Enquiry, see above, note 32. The observations and reactions of the religious themselves were re ported in the Memoire (note 9 above), pp. 12-24.

Description of Grandmont written by the seventh prior, Gerard lthier, in Speculum Grandimontensis (see Ch. 2, pp. 56-57 above).

Archives de la Haute Vienne; cited Gui pp. 399-400.

Ibid., cited Gui pp 427-28.

The text is included in the appendix of the Memoire Pieces Justifica tives No. 8 (see above note 9) p. 15.

L.J. Lekai, The Cistercians, Ideals and Reality (Kent State University Press, 1977) p.168.

Guibert quotes from a letter written by Lomenie de Brienne dated 6 December 1772 but does not reveal its whereabouts.

Letter of Vicaire Bourdeaux, 19 February 1773; Archives de la Haute Vienne; cited Gui pp. 443-44.

This correspondence is preserved in the Archives des Affaires Etrangeres, Correspondance de Rome 1772.

Archives de la Haute Vienne; cited Gui, p. 465.

The Abbe Vergniaud's note is in the Archives de la Haute Vienne and cited in full by Gui, pp. 467-70.

Archives Nationales, 0 570 no. 1 dossier 1; also Bibliotheque Nationale, ms francais 13,854; cited Gui pp. 471-75.

Archives Nationales,0 570 no. 1 dossier 1; cited Gui p. 516.

This memorandum is among the personal papers of Dom Muret preserved in the Archives de la Haute Vienne; it is partially cited by Guibert, p. 554.

Pere J. Fouquet OMI and Frere Philippe-Etienne, Histoire de L'Or dre de Grandmont, p. 109.

THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE ORDER OF GRANDMONT

THE FOUNDING OF A GRANDMONTINE MONASTERY in the

twelfth century would have been a relatively uncom plicated and inexpensive operation. It involved the construction of a simple church and living quarters, to gether with land sufficient to supply the needs of a small community. The fact that these monasteries proved so cheap to build helps explain both the exceptional popu

larity and rapid expansion of the Order in its early years. By comparison with a cluniac or cistercian foundation,

which required large, elaborate, and costly churches, as well as sufficient accommodation for a veritable army of monks, a grandmontine church was little more than an oratory. The exceptional austerity of the Grandmontines precluded even fireplaces. Thus for a comparatively mod est capital outlay, a patron could expect every bit as good a return for his investment as the founder of a great abbey. The monks' prayers, which would assure the eternal salva tion of himself and his family, must have proved a very satisfactory spiritual insurance policy.

Although the circumstances which caused the Grand montines to establish themselves in one area rather than another varied considerably, the site itself had to conform to a set of very definite criteria. One major consideration resulted from the Rule's insistence that: 'woods are suita-

281

ble places for monks to build their homes.'1 The actual naming of various of the cells is often indicative of their

Eighteenth century plan of Notre Dame de Louye (Essonne) Archives de France.

surroundings: Bois d' Allonne, Bois de Vincennes, Bois vert, to name but a few. Suitably wooded sites were often located in upland areas where the terrain was extremely poor. This did not deter the Grandmontines, who re garded such poor land as a challenge wholly in keeping with their Rule's promise: 'The worse the state of the land, the more will God manifest himself to you if you retain confidence in him.'2

The natural enclosure of trees proved insufficient for these contemplatives and they went to even greater lengths to distance themselves from the world at large.

Fences, rough stone walls, streams, and moats all contrib uted to the purpose. Where the enclosing fences and walls have disappeared, the original oval circuitum can often still be traced. Alberbury, in Shropshire, provides a partic ularly striking illustration. Here, the River Severn forms a natural boundary to the north of the original precinct, while a semi-circular moat completes the enclosure. The arrangements show up very clearly on a sixteenth-century plan preserved at All Souls College, Oxford.3

Plan of Alberbury Priory (Shropshire) 1579. Reproduced by kind permission of the Warden and Fellows of All Souls' College, Oxford.

While the cells are always located well away from other habitations, they are never too far distant from a main thoroughfare. The mother house itself was situated just a few kilometres from the main pilgrim route which ran from the north and east to Santiago de Compostella. Several daughter cells were built close to ancient roman roads which were still in use in the Middle Ages. There were two main reasons for this and both can be found in chapters of

the Rule. In the first instance, the Grandmontines were bound to provide for all those in need:

For the sake of charity you will show hospitality to our guests. If you store up and retain your goods you will be in need; but in giving and distributing you will have in abundance. Let it be a joy, therefore, to tend and give to guests.4

The second reason was associated with the provision that when all other means of support failed, the brothers should go out and beg their bread, which called for a reasonably frequented thoroughfare close by. No cell was ever situated right on a main road but always two or three kilometres distance. Thus they were far enough away to ensure conditions of solitude and tranquility, yet close enough to be both of assistance to travellers and accessible for begging purposes. Grezillier has considered the possi bility that the grandmontine cells formed part of the chain of monastic hospices which was established in the Middle Ages to cater for the needs of pilgrims and travellers. He has also proposed that the Grandmontines may actually have made themselves responsible for the maintenance of roads and the dredging of rivers in some areas. This would explain a somewhat obscure direction in the Custumal to brothers working with laymen outside the enclosure.5 The cell of Etricor appears to have been deliberately sited at a point where the River Vienne could be forded during the summer months, but a ferry would have been necessary in winter. Presumably, the monks provided this service.

The Grandmontines frequently chose to site their cells near the borders of states, provinces, or, at the very least, diocesan or parish boundaries. Both Craswall and Alber bury are very close to the border between England and Wales. These hermit monks seem to have been determined to distance themselves as far as possible from centres of government, civil or ecclesiastic. This decision was almost certainly bound up with their almost paranoic horror of becoming involved in any kind of lawsuit. It is worth

remembering that in 1124 an unpleasant quarrel with the Benedictines of Ambazac resulted in the community aban doning their original settlement at Muret. No doubt it was the memory of this unfortunate experience which prompted the compilers of the Rule to dwell so intensely upon the evils of litigation and give such lengthy directives on how best to avoid it.6 Border country, well away from major urban centres, was likely to provide the most sparsely populated as well as the least attractive, land for settlement. The further they set themselves apart from the haunts of men, the less they risked involvement in legal processes.

Ground Plan

The ground plan differs little from any standard design for a monastery save that the grandmontines' cells were constructed on a greatly reduced scale with cloisters rarely

Typical Grandmontine cell plan.

church

cloister with stairway to dorter over east range

cemetery passage (couloir des morts)

chapter house

undercroft

refectory

kitchen

guest lodgings

rere dorter

porticus

outer court

exceeding twenty metres a side. They are usually roughly squared, although there are some rectangular examples, such as Comberoumal and Craswall. The church, the focal point of a monastery, normally assumes an air of greater importance than the conventual buildings around it. This

is not the case in a grandmontine monastery, where it is barely distinguishable from the remainder of the buildings. It is always orientated in the usual way with the sanctuary to the east and is generally sited to the north of the cloister, although there are several exceptions. The reason why, in at least twenty cases, the south was preferred to the north is not readily discernible. In warmer climates, the Cluniacs and Cistercians more often than not constructed their clois ters to the north to render them cooler in the hot summer months. But several north sited grandmontine cloisters were built above the Loire, for example, at Chassay in the Vendee, Bois Rahier, just outside the city of Tours, Mathons Les Bonshommes in the Marne and Montaussan, Indre Loire. Badeix in the Dordogne provides a further outstanding example of a north sited cloister occurring in a region which is not particularly noted for the mildness of its winters. As was frequently the case with monasteries of other religious orders, the location of the water supply may well have been the key factor in determining this alterna tive siting of churches.

The usual monastic plan for the positioning of the var ious domestic buildings was retained by the grandmontine builders. The chapter house and undercroft with dorter over are always located in the east range, the refectory occupies the building parallel with the church; the west range, which was almost certainly given over to guest accommodation, completes the cloister enclosure. This be ing said, there were, as we shall see, some very unusual and strictly grandmontine variations.

Construction

Grandmontine buildings are always remarkably solid. The exterior walls are normally composed of enormous, finely cut ashlar blocks which are very carefully assembled in such a way that the joints are reduced to a minimum. In areas where suitable granite or limestone was not readily available, such as Montaussan, ragstone construction was

substituted. Three interesting exceptions were: Loe Dieu, Pinel, and Francou in the Toulouse area where the tradi tional rosy warm brick of the region was employed. Unfor tunately, Francou is the only one of these houses to have survived, and although it is in a very poor state of repair, it could still be rescued.

Wherever they settled, the Grandmontines always man aged to site their buildings close to a convenient source of local stone, thus avoiding transport costs. St Michel de Lodeve and Comberoumal are both exceptionally close to the quarries which supplied the stone for their buildings. The stone used for the walls at Craswall almost certainly came from a well-worked quarry just above the site. Here however, there is a strong indication from the large blocks of travertine lying amid the rubble in the interior of the church that this material was widely employed for the vaulting as well as window jambs and other sections of the interior. As there is no source of this material closer than Moccas, about ten miles from the site, the Craswall builders must have been faced with an exceptional and costly problem. However, the durability and resistance to weathering of travertine, combined with its lightness and the exceptional ease with which it can be worked, would seem far to outweigh any additional costs incurred through transporting it from a distance. To sum up, although grandmontine monasteries are always identical as regards plan, they reveal a tremendous diversity when it comes to fabric and colour, from greyish blue and milky shades of granite through all the various cream, yellow, and rosy tints of limestone and sandstone.

In conformity with standard twelfth-century practice, churches were built with inner and outer facing walls of massive stone blocks, the cavity between them being packed with rubble. This was bound with a mortar compo sition which has proved every bit as durable as roman cement. While the walls are invariably very thick, yet the thickness is always found to be proportionate to the weight

288 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

of the vault. In churches such as Badeix, which is built entirely of granite, the walls attain a thickness of 1.90 metres, whereas at Fontguedon, where the local yellow limestone was employed, the maximum thickness is only

1.07 metres. In some cases, the exterior side wall of the building is thicker than its interior counterpart, which derives additional buttressing from the adjoining conven tual buildings. Such is the case with the travertine con struction at Villiers. Here, the north wall of the church achieves a thickness of 1.26 metres while that to the south is twenty centimetres smaller. In the case of granite churches like Badeix, both the outer and inner walls are constructed in identical fashion. Where limestone has been used,

The apse at Badeix (Dordogne).

however, the courses of the inner wall are more carefully aligned than those to the exterior and the blocks them selves have a rougher, grosser finish. The conventual buildings are constructed with the same stone and in the same way as the churches; the only difference is that their walls are less thick.

The efficiency and durability of grandmontine building methods is nowhere more apparent than at Rauzet, one of the finest of the surviving churches. It is situated on farm land in the department of Charente and has been left to fall into dereliction. The roof covering the vault was removed

more than a century and a half ago and a whole forest of trees has taken root in the upper sections of the walls. This is subjecting the vault itself to continuous pressure and strain. Despite these odds, there has only been one major collapse in the apse and the nave vaulting remains miracu lously intact. At Hauterive (Indre Loire), and Fontcreuse (Charente), the churches are currently in use as barns. Only the core material of the buildings survive, the facing walls having been stripped away so that the dressed stones could be put to alternative uses. Still the buildings them selves continue to stand, and at Hauterive in particular the walls have had to withstand the additional pressures as serted by the annual storage of grain.

GRANDMONTINE CHURCHES

Uniformity

Of the one hundred fifty churches known to have been built in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, only sixteen have survived in a really good state of preservation, al though there are a further twenty-nine in various stages of

The derelict church of Rauzet (Charente).

decay. Even the most dilapidated examples, such as Mon taussan, abandoned deep in the forest of Amboise, reveal a

remarkable uniformity as regards both plan and style. Without exception they comprise a single aisled, tunnel vaulted nave, lacking transepts and terminating in a semi circular apse which is marginally broader than the nave.

The extent of this broadening varies between thirty-four centimetres at Aulnoy and one metre at Rauzet. The apse is pierced by three, equal sized, round-headed windows with unusually broad embrasures: the typical grandmontine triplet. The only other window in the building is located in the centre of the west wall and is constructed in exactly the same manner. The general appearance of these churches, with the exception of the enlarged apse, is akin to the little eleventh-century rural parish churches of central and west ern France. It is possible that these simple churches consti tuted the basic model for the oratories constructed by the early followers of St Stephen of Muret.

Dimensions

The length of grandmontine churches varies between twenty and approximately forty metres. Etricor is the smallest surviving example, 21.70 metres. It would seem that the smaller churches also represent the most ancient, for Etricor has been dated between 1148 and 1157. Comb eroumal and St Michel de Lodeve, the two best known and certainly the best preserved and restored, are considerably larger. Comberoumal measures 30.75 metres and Lodeve,

27.50. Both can be dated between the years 1189-92. These three examples are all located well south of the dividing line formed by the River Loire. To the north, la Haye d' Angers was built around 1188 and reaches a total length of 37 metres. Near to the town of Dourdan, south of Paris, is Notre Dame de Louye which has the largest surviving church at 38.30 metres. Unfortunately its full extent cannot now be appreciated for a large portion of the nave was divided off and turned into living accommodation some time in the last century. However, the sanctuary and what would have constituted the monks' choir, have been faith-

The church of Notre-Dame de Lou ye (Essonne) is now beautifully restored as a chapel fora community of Ursuline sisters.

fully and beautifully restored to use as a chapel by the present owners, a community of Ursuline sisters. The church of the english priory of Craswall in Herefordshire was one of the last to be built; it achieves an overall length of 34 metres.

The Grandmontines remained strictly faithful to a nave the width of which was approximately one quarter of the length. In a church measuring thirty metres, the apse enclosing the sanctuary accounted for five or six metres of the total length. The nave was therefore between twenty four and twenty-five metres by a width of six metres. In some cases, possibly where the master of the works de creed and the quantity of available stone allowed for a somewhat more refined and higher vaulting, the width was augmented accordingly. Something of this nature must have occurred at St Michel de Lodeve, for here the nave measures 21.10 by 6.50 metres.

Departures from the Standard Church Plan

Any deviations from the standard grandmontine plan are exceedingly rare. Bandouille [Deux Sevres], which sur vives though in ruins, and Trezen [Haute Vienne], are the only known churches to have been built with square east ends instead of the traditional apse. Trezen was demol ished in 1905 but is known to us from a photograph. To these two french examples we can add Alberbury in Shrop shire, the nave of which has long since been razed. The choir was refashioned for living accommodation as late at 1875, at which time the east wall of the church was finally demolished. However, the extant elizabethan plan shows it to have had three single light windows in the grandmon tine manner. (Seep. 283). The nineteenth-century histo rian, Louis Guibert, visited and described the square ended church of Trezen, completed in 1205 and proposed that an earlier monastic foundation may have existed on this site. It seems well within the realms of possibility that here the Grandmontines inherited a church which was

built for previous occupants of another religious Order. This was certainly the case at Alberbury, which we know to have been built originally for a community of Arrouaisian canons from nearby Lilleshall Abbey, and this explains its ungrandmontine square east end. Bandouille was another late foundation, circa 1217, and as such it may represent a further case of a monastic hand-me-down.

Another outstanding departure from the strict grand montine church plan is apparent at Chavanon (Puy de Dome). Here, at the point where the break between nave and apse would normally occur, there is a pair of engaged columns on either side of the nave supporting a double arch. This is certainly the only surviving example of such an arrangement and there is no evidence for anything similar having existed elsewhere. The relieving arches which support the nave vaulting, at Louye, are of recent origin; almost certainly they were introduced in an effort to counteract the outward thrust of the walls. Similar arches at Desgagnazeix are part of much earlier remedial work; this church ceased to be monastic and became parochial in the sixteenth century. The construction of the western tower and doorway in 1880 not only altered the grandmon tine appearance of the church out of all recognition, it also

View of Desgagnazeix (Lot) from the east.

294 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

weakened the vault of the nave. This called for consider able strengthening which lowered the height of the vault at the west end and necessitated the introduction of a rein forcing archway close to the juncture with the apse.

Vaulting and Elevation

This aspect of grandmontine churches reveals a pattern of uniformity equivalent to the ground plans. The naves are all tunnel vaulted with one exception, where rib vault ing was substituted. This was at Petit Bandouille, another late foundation dating only from 1226.

The springing of the vaults both of the nave and chancel is marked by a string course, usually quadrant shaped but a few chamfered examples exist. This was no mere decora tive feature; it fulfilled the practical function of supporting the planks necessary for the construction of the vault itself. Only in the two aforementioned instances, Desgagnazeix and Louye, is the vaulting broken by reinforcing arches; all the remaining churches still depend on the thickness of the lateral walls for their support, although this is often sup plemented by an irregular system of exterior buttressing.

The highly unusual covering of a nave with a contin uous, plain vault is referred to in the earliest known edition of the Custumal, the only existing grandmontine text to speak expressly of buildings:

Since all excess is inappropriate to our religious life, the church and other buildings of our Order should be plain and free from all forms of excess ... The vaults of the churches should be plain so as to conform with the simplicity of our Order.7

It is the voute plana, the plain unembellished vaulting, which renders the naves of all grandmontine churches austere and yet at the same time both imposing and practi cal. But although the exceptional austerity of the Grand montines caused them to reject any superficial artistic ornament, they were certainly neither blind nor insensitive

to natural beauty. A consideration of the precise measure ments of Comberoumal, one of the recently restored

The church of Puy Chevrier (Ind re)

The church of Saint-Jean /es Bonshommes

Charbonnieres (Yonne)

The apsidal vaulting at La Primaudiere

(Loire-At/antique)

The apsidal vaulting at Bois d'Allonne (Deux-Sevres)

churches, reveals that its height, at 10.68 metres, is nearly twice its width, at 6.40, and roughly a third of its total length, 30.75 metres. Add to this an illusion of even greater height created by the light which in the morning hours, floods the apsidal vault, plus the simplicity of the smooth, even stonework and an impression of immense soaring

The church at Comberoumal (Aveyron)

height is achieved. The use of so much fine quality dressed stone in raising the vaults of their churches to such gen erous heights does not appear to be in keeping with the extremes of poverty which we know the Grandmontines practised. The explanation may well be bound up with another aspect of natural artistry which they found to be acceptable-quite simply, acoustics. The raised vaulting may have been intended to improve the tonal quality of the

The church of Etricor (Charente) from the north.

chants by eliminating any unpleasant echo which a low barrel-vaulted ceiling might create. It is significant that at some time subsequent to its building, the church at Etricor had its vaulting raised by two metres along the nave and one metre over the apse. The operation was achieved by literally lifting the roof, heightening the vault and building up the walls with layers of rubble. This has a rather un happy effect upon the exterior of the building. The cleanly cut slope of the original gable is still clearly in evidence and as the upper section has not been modified, it is disagreea bly obtuse. As well as this, the upper courses of rubble stand out in marked contrast to the dressed stone which

clads the remainder of the buildings. Such clumsy alter ation must have been governed by hard economics rather than any artistic consideration, at least where the exterior is concerned. The work can only have been effected in order to bring Etricor, one of the earlier churches, into line with later buildings where the chants sounded so much better.

The fidelity of the Grandmontines to the voute plana is remarkable but it applies only to naves, the apses being an altogether different matter. A number of these are rib vaulted and present a certain richness of design. The sur viving examples can be conveniently divided into two

distinct types although all of them share the common characteristic of being both broader and higher than the naves to which they are attached. The first category in volves those which are vaulted by means of a simple half cupola or semi-dome. The churches of Etricor, Puy Chev-

The apse of the church of Comberoumal (Aveyron)

The apse of the church of Notre-Dame de Lou ye (Essonne)

rier, la Hayed'Angers, Badeix, Desgagnazeix Comberou mal, and St Michel de Lodeve are all of this pattern. The apses in the second category are rib vaulted but they vary

considerably as regards numbers and placement of ribs. Charbonnieres, Louye, and les Moulineaux all have six, received on wall columns the corbels of which are posi tioned at a height equivalent to the window sills. A blind arcade of five arches reinforces the wall. Three of these arches enclose the windows while the remaining two oc cupy the space between the windows and the juncture with the nave. La Primaudiere is somewhat more elaborate with nine vaulting ribs and seven arches fashioned in the enclosing wall. The inclusion of this pair of supplementary outer arches appears to have the sole purpose of increasing the depth of the sanctuary area, which if it were dependent on five, would only cover an area equivalent to that of apses designed with plain half cupolas. Eight of these ribs are received on the corbels incorporated into the columns of the outer arches, the ninth has no intermediary member but is received into the extrados of the nave vaulting at the key of the arch. At Bois d' Allonne and Breuil Bellay, this more elaborate style is taken a stage further, both examples having an additional, tenth, rib. As is the case at la Pri maudiere, there are seven supporting arches but the ninth and tenth ribs are both received into the extrados of the nave. The blind arcades surrounding these apses com bined with three perfectly proportioned windows create a fine sense of harmony. Unfortunately, this has been badly marred at Breuil Bellay, where the remodelling of the sanc tuary in the baroque style of the seventeenth century has involved the misguided decision to pierce a fourth window through the south wall of the apse. The clumsy, misshapen result detracts sadly from the original unity of the design but fortunately, a similar version is preserved at Bois d' Al lone.

The two main categories of vaulting pattern outlined above would seem to correspond to both chronological and geographical considerations. The semi-dome variety pre dominates in the southern houses, whilst rib vaulting is found in the more northerly regions of France. The north-

ern cells were mostly built later than those in the south so that it is possible as Dr Gaborit has suggested, that by the time the Grandmontines were building in and around the Ile de France, the architects of that region had discarded the fashion for semi-domes and were subject to the Gothic influence instead.8

The Apse

Why did the Grandmontines adopt the unprecedented design which allowed for the apse to be always marginally broader than the nave, and which they achieved by means of that curious reveal between the eastern sector of the nave and the sanctuary? The presence of this unique fea ture in areas as far apart as the Bas Pyrenees and Yorkshire, regions where architectural tendencies were quite differ ent, suggests that it was one of the essential requirements imposed by the Order on the builders of its numerous cells. Dr Grezillier has proposed a symbolic reason for this de sign. Assuming that the church of the mother house, in company with the daughter houses, was single aisled and without transepts in order to accommodate the two hun dred stalls spoken of by the sixteenth-century monk, Par doux de la Garde, without considerable lengthening of the church, the choir itself was widened in respect of the nave.9 The only flaw in this otherwise very plausible theory is that there is no means whatever of substantiating it. Pardoux de la Garde's description of Grandmont n con tains several inaccuracies and it is likely that he also exag gerated the size of the choir.10

A more likely explanation for the unusual form of the grandmontine apse has been suggested by Dr Gaborit. This assigns it a role in practical architectural terms. The grandmontine church is composed of two distinct ele ments, the nave and an apse which is independently cov ered with a semi-dome. The semi-circular wall of this structure is boxed into the nave which thus provides it with considerable support. The chancel reveal could therefore

have been purposely devised both as a buttress and to allow for the construction of the apse itself. It would have allowed for the positioning of the massive beams indispen sable in the building of a hemispherical vault against the extrados of the nave vaulting already constructed.11

This theory has been reinforced by Cecil F. Wright, an architect and lecturer in architectural history who was responsible for the 1962 excavation of Craswall Priory in Herefordshire. He has suggested that the chancel reveal may well represent an aesthetic device which at one and the same time managed to solve some of the design prob lems which these churches involved. He enlarges as fol lows: The lateral walls of the nave had to be bulky enough to resist the outward thrusts from a very heavy and unso phisticated vault, devoid of any ribs or other devices which might resolve the load along lines of thrust and concentrate them on piers or buttresses. The semi-circular plan and hemispherical vault of the sanctuary would, in effect, hold itself together around the end of the building-to some extent-through the friction between stones under load both from the vault and the upper parts of the walls. Given that, certainly on this scale, a curved wall is more stable than a straight one, the thinner wall of the sanctuary would be quite stable and would also effect a saving in bulk masonry. As has been demonstrated in the sixteen intact churches which have survived, the apsidal walls have remained stable without the presence of conventual build ings or side chapels which would have provided additional support. Aesthetically, the apsidal east end has the advan tage of being neatly accommodated within the robust structure of the church as a whole. Additionally, it pro vided a stop against which ribs could be neatly terminated as can be seen at la Primaudiere and Bois d' Allonne, thus eliminating any need for further decoration (seep. 302). Finally, the reveal provided a convenient separation be tween the nave and the sanctuary which constituted a liturgical necessity. •

From the other end of the argument, Mr Wright has asked how else, if the Grandmontines had not devised this

The apse of the church of La Pri maudiere (Loire-At/antique)

The apse of the church of Bois d'Al lorzrze (Deux-Sevres)

sanctuary reveal, would they have solved the various de sign details outlined above without introducing much more decoration than they considered acceptable? In fact, he considers that the grandmontine apse drops neatly into the long family of architectural devices which serve both functional and aesthetic purposes and which have often been employed to contain or frame an element in design, in this case, the sanctuary.

It may be pure coincidence, but if the enlarged apse was devised primarily for a functional reason, the result of the design is nonetheless strikingly symbolic. While the curv ing, dark, cave-like structure of the nave accords with the self-negating ideals of these hermits, the bold soaring curves of the sanctuary flooded with natural light, presents a dramatic focus for their reflections upon eternity.

Normally the exterior of the apse is rounded to comply with the interior, although exceptions do occur. Breuil Bellay and la Primaudiere are polygonal whilst Comberou-

mal, Desgagnazeix, Chassay and Bois d' Allonne all have flattened exteriors with three, sometimes five faces. Ac cording to the region, the exterior wall of the apse is flanked by flat buttresses or columns of differing number and design. Alternatively, as is found at Fontblanche, an overall thickening of the wall has been contrived with mortared rubble. This rises to just below the level of the window sills and is bevelled to carry off rainwater. The various methods of refining the exterior appearance of the apse appear to have depended entirely upon local usage and custom. In the Limousin columns are never employed, whereas in Poitou and Saintonge they are very much a feature of grandmontine churches.

Lighting

Far from proving insufficient, the four windows pro vided in a grandmontine church are at once adequate and practical. They are also responsible for the achievement of some very beautiful and symbolic lighting effects. Apart from the obvious theological equation of the apsidal triplet with the Trinity, when morning light floods the sanctuary it becomes an echo in stone of the psalmist's song: 'Praise and beauty are before him, holiness and majesty in his sanctuary.' For most of the day the nave remains in semi darkness and its rounded vault is evocative of a cave, the traditional hermit's dwelling. The direct result of the care fully designed and positioned triplet and single west win dow is that the monk's day would have timed with a whole sequence of impressive and very moving lighting effects.

Seated in a grandmontine church at daybreak, one easily feels something of the spiritual elation which these hermit monks must have experienced when towards the close of their nightly vigil, the sanctuary of their church began to be suffused with radiant light. How appropriate the Bene dictus, the Church's official morning song, would have sounded in this setting: 'God who visits us like dawn from on high ... who gives light to those who dwell in darkness and in the shadow of death.'

The first rays of light penetrate the sanctuary through the northernmost of the three windows. As the morning wears on, more light infiltrates the central aperture at the same time as the original beam is moving slowly along the south wall of the choir. By late morning a crescendo of brightness is achieved with the light reflecting off the walls while the curving vault is transformed into an aurora of shimmering light. At a time which varies with the season, a natural spotlight beam illuminates the right side of the altar and then moves slowly across its surface. A dramatic cli max is reached when a square of intense white light focuses directly on the centre of the altar. When the light with draws from the east, the nave becomes a haven of shadowy coolness, as the sun makes its way around the cloister to penetrate the single west window in time to light the evening office of Vespers. As night approaches, a time which must have coincided with the celebration of Com pline, a single shaft of light moves slowly along the north wall at the base of the nave. When the sun sinks to rest, there is an almost audible click as the beam which has been creeping along the window embrasure reaches the jamb and is abruptly extinguished. The ensuing twilight would have allowed the brothers just enough time to leave the church and retire to the dorter for their night's rest.

All four church windows are positioned very high up and their embrasures are exceptionally wide in respect of their apertures. They seem to have been meticulously cal culated to direct the maximum amount of light into the interior in order to create the daily lighting sequence. This is by no means dependent upon conditions of brilliant sunlight, it is almost as effective even when the sky is overcast. The windows in the chapter house, refectory, and dorter are designed in the same way as those in the church only on a much reduced scale.

Doors

In the same way as windows, doors conform absolutely to the standard grandmontine pattern. They are always

The lay entry of Fontblanche (Cher)

two in number. The one situated at the base of the nave in the side wall opposite the cloister is known as the 'doorway of the faithful'. As its name implies, it allowed occasional access to visitors. The earliest surviving examples are very simple in design. In the thirteenth century, however, some relaxation in the rules prohibiting ornament allowed for the introduction of shafts with mildly decorated capitals. Fontblanche provides the plainest surviving example, sim ply a narrow entrance through a single archway with a chamfered outer edge. Chassay, slightly more developed,

has two orders which are continuous through head and jamb. Chateauneuf progresses a stage further employing three, equally plain, orders. Etricor, the earliest surviving church, is nevertheless slightly more elaborate. It is of three orders, the outer being outlined with clean cut groov ing. The centre arch is faced with a thick coiled moulding while the inner, has similar coupled moulding. At Comb eroumal, the employment of twin shafts flanking the entry lends it an air of greater importance. Here, both the outer and central arches are carried on detached shafts the outer bearing cushioned and the inner, foliated capitals. Bois d' Allonne reveals a variation on the same theme, the outer

and central orders here being elaborated with detached roll mouldings carried on slim shafts with decorated capitals.

The lay entry at Etricor (Charante)

The most elaborate examples, however, can be found at le Breuil, St Michel de Lodeve, Breuil Bellay, and la Haye d' Angers. These all have three ordered entries with their arches resting on im posts which are in turn sup ported on shafts with very simple capitals. La Haye is undoubtedly the most im pressive with coiled mould ing of the same diameter as the shafts outlining the archi-volts.

In a cluniac or cistercian monastery, the monks' entry from the cloister is always an impressive portal broad enough to allow processions

The lay entry at Comberoumal (Aveyron)

The monks' entry at Le Breuil d'Autun (Cote-d'Or)

to pass through two abreast. In a grandmontine church it is contrastingly simple. Its extreme narrowness permits only one person to enter at a time and confirms the fact that the grandmontine liturgy included little in the way of ceremo nial. It is invariably positioned one third of the distance along the nave and the area between it and the apse represented the monks' choir. The majority of the surviv ing examples are of one order only though a few slightly more elaborate versions do occur. At Comberoumal, a simple round headed aperture is charmingly framed in an exterior arch which rests on imposts borne by shafts with cushioned capitals. The well preserved example at le Breuil

is all the more striking in that it represents the only surviv ing feature of a church which has been so badly mutilated as to be almost unrecognisable as a grandmontine church at all. It is of two orders, the inner incorporating a rolled moulding which rises from the imposts which rest on shafts with foliated capitals. Bois d' Allonne presents

The monks' entry at Bois d'Allonne.

by far the most elaborate example, however. Here the space allocated between the inner and outer orders is gen erously broad and is embellished with roll moulding sup ported on detached shafts bearing small but exceptionally fine foliated capitals. A chamfered hood mould emphasises

the doorway and lends it a more imposing appearance. While there are considerable variations in the decorative details which are found to the exterior of these doorways,

The west end of the church at Bois d'Allonne (Deux-Sevres)

the interiors are all, without exception, strictly regular, round headed, and totally devoid of decoration.

Just two exceptions to the grandmontine custom of siting the lay entry in the side wall of the nave have been gener-

The church and east range at Villiers (Ind re-et-Loire)

ally accepted to date, Villiers and Puy Chevrier .12 Certainly the present state of Villiers reveals a very convincing entry in the west facade. It comprises four orders of which the three outer arches are underlined with thick coiled mould ing originating from shafts, sections of which have disap peared. A seventeenth-century plan shows, however, that this structure cannot be in its original position.13 The plan, dated1693, reveals that the nave at this time was considera bly longer than at present and it also shows the lay entry in its customary grandmontine position. Although Monsieur l' Abbe Bourderioux attributes this to an 'inexplicable er ror', it seems inconceivable that the author of the plan should have committed so glaring a mistake. The most likely explanation is that the western sector of the nave was demolished possibly at the same time as the south range was remodelled in the eighteenth century. The entry was then re-erected in its present position.

The other grandmontine church which purportedly had an original west entry is Puy Chevrier. Even this is not

entirely convincing, but unfortunately in this instance no documentary evidence which would support a case for

The west end of the church at Puy Chevrier

ubsequent remodelling has come to light. Nev ertheless, the very ap pearance of the doorway is extremely odd quite apart from the fact that it is structurally unsound and, for a very obvious reason. The system of lighting the rear of the church, by means of a single window posi tioned in the centre of the west wall, called for a

very long window indeed. This is not the case

at Puy Chevrier, where a sizeable doorway inserted imme diately under the window has shortened it in such a way that the width is wholly disproportionate to the length. This arrangement has rendered the entire wall unstable and its awkward appearance is totally at variance with the usual efficient and logical grandmontine expertise. The reduction of the area of masonry between the window head and the gables has created a weakness which has resulted in the wall cracking throughout its length. In fact, it would long ago have caved in altogether if remedial action involving the insertion of steel masonry pins had not been implemented. The awkwardness of the arrangement provokes the question; is this the original design as is generally thought, or a seventeenth-century transforma tion similar to that at Villiers? It certainly lacks the perfect symmetry implicit in the grandmontine design for win dows and this is due to its having been shortened to allow a doorway to be inserted below. The work bears a remark able similarity to the clumsily constructed fourth window which was pierced through the south wall of the apse at

The exterior of the porticus al Breuil Be/lay (Maine-et-Loire)

Breuil Bellay in the seventeenth century. A further exam ple of late grandmontine remodelling is apparent at Cha-

312 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

teauneuf. Here a small, oddly shaped traceried window surmounted by a small oculus, has replaced the traditional long west window. Puy Chevrier could likewise have fallen prey to this desire for change.

Doorways inserted in the west walls of other of the churches, such as Breuil Bellay and St Michel de Lodeve, all postdate 1772, when the churches fell into secular hands and were for the most part modified for use as barns and granaries. A western barn door, constructed at this time at Comberoumal, has been reblocked as part of the excellent restoration work carried out by the present owners of the site.

What can have prompted the Grandmontines to site their lay entries in this unusual position? Monks in general have always preferred the west sited entries which they used for ceremonial processions. Customarily, they for med up outside the church and progressed along the nave through the choir to the chancel. Considerable space was also required to the exterior of this doorway to serve as a stage for the clergy at specific solemnities, such as the lighting of the new fire at the culmination of the Easter vigil. Side entries are singularly unmonastic and are nor mally only associated with simple parish churches. This accords with the theory that the poverty-loving Grand montines built in imitation of the simple rural churches of the Limousin, cradle of the Order.

A further explanation which has been proposed to ex plain this alternative siting is meteorological. Quite simply, because the west wind is so damp, the builders avoided opening doorways in that direction.14 This is not a really satisfactory solution for it takes no account of the even more unpleasant effect of exposing the entrance to icy blasts from the north, particularly bitter in more northerly climes such as Normandy, Grosmont in Yorkshire, and Craswall located high on the Welsh Marches.

A more symbolic motive has to do with the lighting effects which the Grandmontines sought to achieve in their

churches. A doorway simply could not be safely inserted beneath the exceptionally long and broad embrasured win dow necessary to light the church effectively at eventide. At least not without substantially weakening the entire wall and risking the sort of near disastrous cracking which, as we have seen, occurred at Puy Chevrier.

One obvious explanation for the unimposing entry to the church has to do with the porticus. Evidence for the one time existence of such a structure can be found wherever the church, or part of it, has survived. Furthermore, its purpose is outlined in Chapter 51of the Rule, which speaks of the manner in which the brothers should go out to the parlour to welcome visitors. Another reference to a parlour being provided alongside the church occurs in the Life of Blessed Hugues Lacerta. This mentions its existence at Chatenet, one of the earliest cells. Normally, the porticus would have consisted of a simple timbered structure with a pentice roof attached to the wall of the church and enclos ing the lay entry. That these little annexes were nearly always built with very simple materials is evident from the fact that they have disappeared almost without trace. The only visible sign of their former attachment is the rows of corbels which were intended to support the main roof beam along with matching joist holes which would have received the rafters. All the surviving churches have re tained some, if not all, of these corbels. Occasionally, some additional ones set into the west wall demonstrate that in certain cases the porticus was returned along it. A few of the churches had a stone built porticus but they appear to have been the exception rather than the rule. The only intact example can be found at Breuil Bellay. It is a curious structure, comprising a fairly long, quadrant vault which rests on an arcade, the arches of which were filled in at a later date so as to completely enclose the interior. The survival of this porticus has had the fortuitous effect of protecting the moulded archivolts of the doorway from weathering so that they remain in pristine condition. Re-mains of a stone poticus against the north wall of the church are clearly evident at Parc les Rouen. There is,

The interior of the porticus at Breuil Bellay (Maine-et-Loire)

however, no way of knowing if this was the original or simply the replacement of an earlier timbered structure. Evidence for the former existence of a stone porticus has come to light at la Haye d' Angers. In the course of restora tion work carried out by the brothers of the religious con gregation which now owns the site, the area immediately to the north of the church was cleared and excavated to reveal the solid stone foundations of the walls of a building attached to the church and north chapel. A further possible example occurs at Chavanon. Here, a ruined stone struc ture alongside the north wall of the church is strongly reminiscent of the one at Breuil Bellay. A substantial mound of stone and rubble in the same position at Craswall indicates that this english house also had one of these rarer and more permanent stone parlours.

Buttressing

The sheer weight of the stone vault would have rendered the exterior buttresses, so characteristic of grandmontine churches, a very real necessity. French architectural ex-

perts have, however, found it almost impossible to deter mine which of these formed part of the original structures and which were added later to reinforce the buildings when it became necessary. The broad, flat examples found at Etricor, Charbonnieres, Badeix, and Puy Chevrier quite obviously form an integral part of the original design. The enormous, cumbersome examples at Villiers, on the other hand, were almost certainly added when extra support to relieve the thrust of the vault was deemed necessary. In certain cases, Etricor being the most obvious example, the lay entry was pierced through an exceptionally broad but tress which has, in this particular case, increased the thick ness of the wall from 1.25m to 1.60m. It extends six metres along the north wall to the angle where it is returned a further two metres along that of the west. The upper section tapers into the walls in three stepped sections surmounted by a hood mould. A similar though more refined version can be found at Bois d' Allonne.

The offset apses of these churches may well have posed problems of construction which could only be overcome by additional supports, for a further scheme of buttressing can sometimes be found against the nave, close to the apsidal juncture. The apse itself is not always provided with buttresses; in fact, the ones which are covered with plain semi-cupolas certainly do not have them. Rauzet, St Michel de Lodeve, Puy Chevrier, Badeix, and Chateauneuf have no such additional support. A few are provided with alternative reinforcement in the form of columns; examples include Comberoumal, Charbonnieres, Notre Dame de Louye, and Chavanon. Where the apses are rib vaulted, flat buttresses have usually been employed to strengthen them. The most notable of these are Bois d' Allone, Breuil Bellay, Chassay, and la Primaudiere. In the last instance, the buttresses have been curiously capped with hanging tiles which taper upwards to the height of the gables. The effect is most unusual and has a decorative effect which seems out of character with a grandmontine church.

Church Interiors

Seventeenth century plan of the priory of Villiers. Archives de l'Indre-et-Loire

In the absence of any material traces or verifying texts, it is not possible to discover the precise arrangements of grandmontine church interiors prior to the seventeenth century. We cannot know, for instance, whether any form of partitioning or screening was introduced to separate the monks' choir from the remainder of the nave. Plans dating from the seventeenth century reveal that the choir occu pied the major section of the nave between the cloister doorway and the sanctuary. It further seems generally to

have had two small altars arranged on either side of the entrance. Certainly, the piscinas which are frequently dis covered fashioned in the thickness of the walls towards the base of the nave, indicate the existence of these altars relatively early in the history of the Order. They may have been included in imitation of the altars of St Martial and St Catherine which, according to Pardoux de la Garde, were erected at the entrance to the choir of Grandmont but

which, Dr Gaborit has shown, were actually located at the base of the nave.15 There can have been little call for addi tional altars before the close of the twelfth century, when we can in all probability associate their introduction with the marked increase in ordinations to the priesthood.

The monks' choir itself is referred to in verbal processes relating to annual visitations carried out in the seventeenth century as the grand choeur, while the sanctuary was known as the petit choeur. Given the exceptional narrow ness of grandmontine churches, the stalls of the monks must have been set flush with the walls. This was certainly the arrangement illustrated on the seventeenth-century plan of Villiers which conforms to the usual monastic ar rangement but on a greatly reduced scale. A single tier of eight stalls is set against the north and south walls, with a further pair on either side at the base facing eastwards. This particular plan also shows screening behind these eastward facing stalls separating them from the western sector of the nave. The only concrete evidence for any kind of partitioning having existed between the choir and nave before this date can be seen at Puy Chevrier. Here there are some holes in the wall of the nave which seem intended for the housing of a wooden beam. They occur approximately six metres from the base of the nave.

Within the sanctuary there is always a eucharistic aum bry fashioned in the wall to the left of the altar and a twin piscina facing it on the right. The arches enclosing these two niches are invariably round headed. No altars have survived though the one at la Primaudiere is thought to be original. At Craswall, the base of an altar survives though the mensa has disappeared, in all probability removed long ago to be used as a salting slab. The only incidence of additional sanctuary furnishings can also be seen at Craswall. This consists of a fine and, in the grandmontine context, a very elaborate triple sedilia. It proves to be a very rare feature indeed for nothing of the kind has been discov ered in any of the surviving french churches.

The ruins of the sanctuary at Craswall (Herefordshire)

In the latter half of the thirteenth century, some relax ation in the strict rules prohibiting ornament seems to have taken place and frescoes were introduced into these churches. Humbert de Romans writing at the time tells us moreover:

In grandmontine houses the deres devote themselves entirely to contemplation and divine worship in beau tiful churches which have marvellously decorated al tars.16

Humbert de Romans (d. 1277) was the fifth Master Gen eral of the Order of Preachers and himself preached to several grandmontine communities. A number of churches reveal traces of fresco paintings and a few have consider able sections covered with intricate and brightly coloured designs. At Chateauneuf, traces of a once very fine Virgin and Child are identifiable. Unfortunately the building is now abandoned and derelict with the result that damp and mould is rapidly obliterating all trace of it. The church of Montaussan lies deep in the forest of Amboise and, al though in an appalling state of ruin, it too bears traces of a fourteenth-century Virgin and Child on the wall of the

nave opposite the lay entry. Further traces of paint are still evident in the sanctuary.

Often, painted decoration simulates architectural fea tures. At la Haye d' Angers the entire nave has been plas tered and painted to represent cross vaulting. At Bois d' Allonne the voussoirs of the vaulting ribs of the apse have been coloured alternatively in prussian blue and ochre red, while the cells in between have been filled with a bold design in blue and red outlined with yellow ochre scroll work on a white background. The church at Francou in the south (Tarn and Garonne) reveals a particularly bizarre kind of ornamentation. It is one of the only three grandmontine houses which were built throughout in the traditional mellow brick of the region and the vaulting, arches, and columns in the chapter house have all been constructed in this material. The oddity consists in the fact that the brickwork of the church was completely plastered over, and then red and white paint was carefully and meticulously applied throughout to simulate brickwork.

The report of the 1962 Craswall excavation headed by Cecil F. Wright records that voussoirs of vaulting ribs uncovered in the north chapel bore traces of having been decorated with a serpentine brush line in red ochre on a white background. Evidence of what may have been quite extensive fresco work was discovered along the west wall of the chapel. Here, the careful removal of soil over an area of about three square feet revealed a similar design in red ochre and black on a white background. Mr. Wright de scribes it as having been 'very vestigial and suggesting some form of vine scroll'. Following this discovery, no further investigation was carried out in this area as it was rightly felt that there might be further valuable material requiring specialist examination. Certainly the serpentine and scroll design as well as the ochre red colouring de scribed by Mr Wright would seem to bear a marked sim ilarity to the grandmontine fresco work which has survived in some of the french churches, notably Bois d' Allonne.

The only grandmontine fresco work which can be dated with any precision is at La Hayed'Angers. In 1345, Pierre Roger de Beaufort, at the age of ten, received the priory in commendam from his uncle, Pope Clement VI (Avignon 1342-52). In due course de Beaufort became a cardinal and eventually had the distinction of being the last of the Avignon Popes under the name of Gregory XI. The fresco which he ordered for his commendatory church conve niently reproduces the rose of his cardinal's blazon. It must therefore date from sometime between 1355, when he was created a cardinal, and 1370, when he became pope.

Chapels

With very few exceptions (St Michel de Lodeve and St Jean les Bonshommes at Charbonnieres) grandmontine churches were dedicated to the Virgin and so there was no need to provide them with separate Lady Chapels. In the early years of the Order there were very few ordained monks residing in the cells, hence no need for extra Mass chapels. When in the thirteenth century it became custom ary to ordain the clercs, their obligation to celebrate daily Masses was easily catered for by the additional altars intro duced into the nave. Several of the larger priories did, however, annex side chapels to their churches but only two intact examples survive at St Michel de Lodeve and la Haye d' Angers. Others, such as Notre Dame du Pare les Rouen and Bois Rahier les Tours, are known to us from plans. There is some evidence in the form of marks of attachment in walls and foundation mounds to suggest that they were present in several other places besides.

The intact example at Lodeve bears out the impression which can be gleaned from studying the ground plans of these additional structures where they existed. Their pur pose has to have been strictly functional, for they were constructed with little regard for aesthetic values. The attachment of a rectangular structure to the north side of a semi-circular apse has a very awkward and unpleasing appearance.

Church

North Chapel

Cemetery Passage

Chapter House

Monks' Day Room

Cloister with Stairway

Refectory

Kitchen

W. Range (Guests' Lodgings)

Rere Darter

Over: 3, 4 & 5 - Darter &

Vaulted Chamber

Saint-Michel de Lodeve, ground plan

What can have been the purpose of these ungainly cha pel annexes? We cannot be altogether certain, although in most cases it would seem that they were intended to cater for the needs of the laity, especially women, who in no circumstances were permitted to worship in the church itself. Both at Lodeve and la Haye, it is quite clear that it was the eastern extremities of the porticus whlch were transformed into chapels and neither communicates di rectly with the church alongside. In the case of Rouen we do have specific information as to the purpose of the cha pel. It was built for the confraternity of St Catherine, founded in1365. Just over a century later it was refurbished by Cardinal d'Estouteville.17 As the chapel which formerly existed at Bois Rahier was also dedicated to St Catherine, it would seem that by the fourteenth century the Grandmon tines were approving confraternities of oblates. This widely accepted monastic custom was absolutely forbid-

den to the Grandmontines by their Rule. This does, how ever add that such societies may be formed provided that all meetings be held well away from the monastery, and as long as the members did not expect the monks to send a representative:

But if people express the desire to come and hold their meetings within your monastery itself, if they seek to breach the spiritual calm in which you are bound to dwell with God, you are not to permit this in any way whatsoever .18

Presumably the surviving chapels would have satisfied this condition, for they were both sited outside the actual monastic enclosure and had no direct means of communi cation with the main church of the monks.

All three of the english churches had side chapels at tached to the north side of their chapels. According to Sir Alfred Clapham, they were a standard grandmontine feature built in imitation of the chapels at the mother house and were all dedicated to St Stephen. Neither assumption has proved to be correct. We now know that by no means all the french churches had additional chapels and the ones we do know of were certainly not dedicated to St Stephen. The north chapel at Craswall is extremely interesting in the manner in which it differs from its french counterparts. It could not be entered from the porticus but only through a doorway set in the north wall of the chancel itself. This certainly rules out any possibility of its having been used for the benefit of the laity.

A further strange anomaly is present at Craswall in the form of the so called South Chapel which intervenes be

tween the church and the cemetery passage. It was discov ered and partially excavated by C.J. Lilwall in association with the Woolhope Club in the early years of this century. They assumed it to be a sacristy.19 Sir Alfred Clapham

confirmed this assumption and gave the chamber a square east end on the plan which he published in1926.20 In1962, Cecil F. Wright conducted a summer school field survey on

Church

North Chapel

Cemetery Passage

Chapter House

Monks' Day Room

Cloister with Stairway

Refectory

Kitchen

W. Range (Guests' Lodgings)

Rere Darter

South Chapel

Over: 3, 4 & 5 - Darter &

Vaulted Chamber

Craswall priory ground plan

the site with students from the Liverpool College of Build ing. In an attempt to establish the precise plan form of this chamber, they cut trenches along the inside faces of the north and south walls. Matching breaks in both walls were discovered and identified as the typical grandmontine ap sidal reveal. Further cutting uncovered a twin piscina fash ioned in the wall and, beyond this, the commencement of the curve of an apse. Clapham's 'sacristy' was accordingly relabelled 'south chapel'.21 In the light of this evidence it is no longer necessary to argue that the Grandmontines never made provision for sacristies in their church plans. The problem that does remain to be solved, however, is why the grandmontine builders should have provided at Craswall, and only at Craswall, such an unusually large chapel alongside a church which it reproduces in minia ture. The 'chapel' is roughly one third the length of the actual church and this, by any standards, is exceptionally large for a simple mass or relic chapel. In fact, it is consid erably larger than most cathedral chantry chapels. In prac tical terms, its builders set themselves a considerable

problem attaching a smaller but identical circular apse alongside a larger version of the same structure. The result appears even more cumbersome and ugly than the rect angular chapel attached to the north side of the apse. A possible explanation is that this apsed chapel, which has no parallel in any other grandmontine monastery, was not a chapel at all but the first little oratory erected by the pioneer community. By the time it became both desirable and feasible to replace it with a larger and more impressive building, it is possible that it contained several burials. This was definitely the case with the first church at the mother house and it obliged the monks to construct Grandmont II alongside Grandmont I rather than disturb tombs. An alternative or parallel consideration is that the Craswall monks always intended to replace their first simple oratory with a larger and grander church. This being the case, the narrowness of the valley site would have prevented them from building it elsewhere and their only solution would have been to build the new church alongside the old.

Bellcotes

The original grandmontine building plans do not appear to have allowed for even the most basic of bell towers, as only one has survived and it has proved to be a much later construction. By the close of the twelfth century, some form of rudimentary bellcote must have formed part of every church building. One of the main bones of conten tion between deres and convers concerned which group should be responsible for sounding the bell. The 'Privilege' of Honorius m, in 1217, afforded the Grandmontines the right to ring bells in times of interdict, which presupposes a bell big enough and loud enough to be heard outside the monastic enclosure. The only actual bell tower to have survived the centuries is at Fontenet in the department of Nievre. Along with a perfectly preserved little apse the bellcote is all that has survived on this particular site, the nave having long since been converted into a house.

St Michel de Lodeve incorporates an unusual and charm ing romanesque bellcote on the roof of the church. It ap pears to date from the twelfth century, but from the point of view of style it is more Spanish than French, being strongly reminiscent of the little bellcotes widely found in the Aragon region. Several churches have holes fashioned in the vaulting of the nave close to the cloister doorway which can only have been intended for the passage of a bell rope. Unfortunately in every case the bellcote itself has vanished. At Petit Bandouille sur Dives, the barrel vaulted chamber over the cemetery passage adjoining the church has steps fashioned in the thickness of the wall. These would have afforded access to the church roof at the posi tion where a bellcote would have been located directly over the monks' entry. The very dilapidated church at Chavanon still retains a rusting and decrepit but neverthe less charming little bellcage in the same position. A re cently restored example of what is probably a fairly typical example of a grandmontine bellcote can be seen at la Pri maudiere.

Conventual Buildings

By the close of the priorate of Etienne Liciac (1139-1163), the successors of the little band of hermits who left Muret for Grandmont were living more or less in accordance with the usual monastic arrangements. Gone forever were the primitive 'laurae', the rustic huts grouped around a simple stone oratory. It seems reasonable to question why the charterhouse system, so obviously more appropriate for hermit monks was not considered preferable to one which can only be compared with the traditional cluniac and cistercian arrangement. The only possible explanation must lie in the overriding grandmontine ambition to be come the champions of an integral form of the eremitical life. Thus whilst they attempted to consolidate the early customs they had adopted from the desert fathers their anxiety to retain an individual identity precluded them from embracing the carthusian custom of near total seclu-

sion in individual cells. Instead, they opted for buildings which, visibly at any rate, seemed to be in the traditional monastic mould but in which they might pursue a lif style which, in its extremes of poverty, austerity, and simplicity, was poles apart from Savigny, Tiron, Aureil, or any other off-shoots of the benedictine or augustinian traditions. Despite these original aims, barely more than a century had passed before they were leading a life which was very similar to these other groups of reformed religious. The only permanent grandmontine departure from the monas tic norm lies in their development of a singular and change less style of architecture and one which survives as a solid testimony to their basic ideals.

In company with their churches, the domestic buildings of the Grandmontines were subjected to very little alter ation or modification throughout the centuries. Two essen tial words described them: 'small' and 'regular'. They are small in that the church and conventual buildings grouped around a cloister form a monastic complex in miniature. They were built to house what seldom amounted to more than thirteen religious, three or four deres and the remain der convers. They are regular in that they conform in just about every detail to the standard Grandmontine layout.

Cloister

Only one intact cloister remains, located at St Michel de Lodeve. Constructed and vaulted almost entirely in stone, it casts little light on the appearance of grandmontine cloisters in general. The typical plan, however, allowed for an area more or less squared, although the church gener ally proves to be somewhat shorter than the east range. The roofs covering the arcades were obviously timbered, because the stone corbels which carried the main beam still remain firmly fixed in the walls of several of the surviving buildings. Substantial stone remains, segments of columns and capitals lying around in some of the cells indicate that the arcades themselves were frequently of stone. Most

of the capitals which have been discovered are plain but some with simple foliate decoration have occasionally come to light.

The cloister garth at Saint-Michel-de-Lodeve (Herault)

The most unusual feature of a grandmontine cloister is the positioning of the dorter stairway. It was always con structed against the wall of the east range, its first tread flush with the outer jamb of the doorway in the chapter house facade. The consistent grandmontine practice of placing the stairway against the wall of the cloister alley rather than inside the buildings, as was the usual monastic custom, has only one exception at Marigny (lndre and Loire). Here traces of an inside stairway remain in what was the east range building. We cannot be certain, how ever, whether this really constitutes the original arrange ment or a subsequent modification. In cases where the stairway itself has been dismantled following the secu larisation of the buildings, traces of its former attachment remain clearly in evidence along the wall. Additionally, a doorway, frequently blocked, can be distinguished at what would have been the head of the flight of stairs. So essen tial was it to the Grandmontines to retain the stairway in this particular position that at Craswall they preferred to raise the southern jamb of the chapter house and distort the entire fa ade in order to accommodate it rather than move it elsewhere.

The only possible reason for this unusual siting of a dorter stairway must have had to do with access to the church at night. Most monasteries, and certainly those of the Cistercians, were furnished with night stairways which descended from the dorter into one of the church tran septs. As grandmontine churches lacked transepts, the most convenient and safest way of reaching the choir from the dorter in the dark would have been by means of a stairway which was sited directly in line with the entrance to the church. Also, the faint light afforded by the night sky must surely have been preferable to the pitch darkness of the interior.

EAST RANGE

Cemetery Passage

With the single exception of Craswall Priory, grandmon tine chapter houses are separated from the churches by barrel vaulted slypes which have often been mistakenly referred to as sacristies. Dr Grezillier pointed out that as these passages have no direct means of communication with the churches they could not possibly have been in tended for such a purpose. Unfortunately, in refuting one error he was inadvertently responsible for perpetrating another when he added that the Grandmontines had pro vided sacristies only in the case of their three english houses. This assumption was based on A.W. Clapham's plan of Craswall published in Archaeologia (1926) where the south chapel is labelled sacristy.22 The passage is generally known in France as the couloir des marts, a name coined by the Abbe Bourderioux in 1959.23 The term is highly appro priate for this corridor whose doorway opens directly into the monks' cemetery which was laid out alongside the apse close to the exterior wall of the range. There the Office of

The room over the slype at Chassay (Vendee

the Dead was recited daily. The recessed niches with nar row stone ledges running along the base suggest that it was here that the brethren donned cloaks before filing into the cemetery itself.

A particularly remarkable feature of a grandmontine east range is the barrel-vaulted chamber which is always found directly over the cemetery passage. This little room is ac cessible from the dorter but not the church alongside. As all the surviving dorters have timbered roofs, this single stone covered room must have been intended for some very special purpose. The Abbe Bourderioux was not alone in thinking that it represented the corrector's quarters.24 This seems an unlikely explanation however, as prior to1216 the correctors did not exercise any particular authority and did not enjoy any kind of superior status. In addition, the rulings of General Chapters before the close of the thir teenth century, continued to uphold the Rule's require ment that even the prior of Grandmont himself sleep in the communal dorter.

J.B. Rochias was responsible for the suggestion that this chamber was used as a muniments room.25 This seems equally unlikely because again the Rule expressly forbids the brethren to maintain archives, a prohibition which was not lifted before the papacy of Innocent IV (1243-1254). While it is true that this ruling was often transgressed, even in the late twelfth century, the possession of a few docu ments would still not have called for a room this size. Upon investigation, certain of these rooms have revealed caches secreted between the flooring and the vaulting of the pas sage beneath. These would have been accessible through trap doors and seem ideal for the storage of documents and small valuables. There is an example present in the ruins of Montaussan and another in the partially intact room at Grand Bandouille. Dr Grezillier has also described another perfectly preserved example at Puy Chevier.26 However, close examination of the evidence in this particular case suggests that the so-called 'cache' is merely the result of

alterations to the building which included new flooring. In all probability it dates only from the nineteenth century when the priory had long passed into secular ownership.

The two most plausible uses which have been widely proposed for the room over the slype are an infirmary or a night oratory. In the Rule, emphasis is placed on isolating the sick from worldly conversation although they are at all times to be 'comforted in God'. A chamber alongside the church in which the sick brother might lie and follow the offices would seem to be a very suitable arrangement. Alternatively, these rooms may have been used as night oratories at least in winter. Certainly with their barrel vaulted ceilings they seem like miniature versions of the church itself. This liturgical appearance is further empha sised in a few cases by small aumbries which have been fashioned in the thickness of their walls. At Grand Ban douille, there is a twin piscina in this position: evidence that the room was at one time furnished with an altar. Of course, this could well date from a time when communities were smaller and the original austerity of the monks had weakened to the extent that this room provided a some what cosier venue for the night offices than a large cold church. There can be little doubt that these rooms fulfilled a variety of purposes during their long history and in the absence of any conclusive evidence there is little point in speculating about their original purpose. In several of the surviving cells this room has been provided with an inte rior window which opens onto the sanctuary of the church. This has been used in support of the theory that the room was an infirmary and the window permitted the invalid to hear the services. While this may or may not have been the case in later times, it certainly could not have applied when the cells were first in use. None of these openings is constructed in the romanesque style favoured by the Grandmontines, and the clumsy manner in which they have been pierced through the massive wall blocks indi cates that they were almost certainly inserted long after the completion of the building.

Chapter Houses

Twenty good examples of this chamber have survived, some of them in an exceptionally fine state of preservation. Chapter houses constitute the only area of a grandmontine monastery where the strict architectural rule of uniformity appears to have been considerably relaxed. A certain amount of artistic embellishment was also permitted with the result that they vary considerably both as regards style and ornament. Some, exemplified in Comberoumal and St Michel de Lodeve, are simple squared chambers. Others,

Chapter house vaulting reproduced from A. Grezillier 'L'Architecture Grandmontaine', Bulletin Monumental 121 (1963).

such as Chassay, Montcient Fontaine, Epoisses, and Mon tguyon, are rectangular chambers divided into four bays and with vaulting dependent on a central column. There are also several six-bayed examples, Badeix and Puy Chev-

rier being the most notable although both have been exten sively remodelled since they fell into lay ownership. The ruined chapter house at Craswall is unusually large and remnants of stonework show it to have been exceptionally ornate. Despite all these variations, Grandmontine chapter houses fall into certain relatively homogenous regional groupings. Lodeve, Comberoumal, and le Sauvage are characteristic of those found in the south, while Font blanche, Hauterive, and Villiers are typical of the central french variety.

Square Chambered Chapter Houses

Bois d' Allonne, centrally situated in the department of Deux Sevres, is a good example of this type. The chamber is 6.50 metres squared and reaches a height of 3.80 metres. The vaulting is carried on a pair of diagonal ribs which rise from the ground at each of the angles. It is lit by two windows which have been so considerably enlarged that they have completely lost their grandmontine character. The portal has a rounded lintel which attains a height of

2.25 metres; the opening is only one metre wide. It is flanked by plain walls and the facade is completed by twin windows on either side of the portal. These are each di vided by a row of three stout little columns with simple foliated capitals. The lintel of the doorway is raised slightly higher than those of the windows. Variations on this theme can be seen in the three southern chapter houses, Comberoumal, St Michel de Lodeve and le Sauvage. In all three cases,it is the facades and not the interiors which vary. The window openings on either side of their entries are reduced to two and are separated from the doorways by a row of small columns. Comberoumal and Lodeve each have three columns while le Sauvage has four. All three facades are set in a single rounded enclosing arch. Grand Bandouille is another of the single-celled variety, but dif fers considerably from those already described in that its vault is carried on twelve ribs which radiate outwards from

The cloister area at Comberoumal (Aveyron)

The chapter house facade and darter stairway at Grand Bandouille (Deux-Sevres)

the centre and are received on wall columns in the angles and corbels set into the faces of the walls. It is by no means excessively elaborate but considerably more so than others of the genre. Breuil Bellay, situated just to the north of Grand Bandouille in the department of Maine and Loire, has a similar arrangement with twelve matching ribs.

Rectangular Chapter Houses

The chapter house at Badeix is now divided into two rooms and used for a family dwelling but it nevertheless

•

. ...

· .

The chapter house facade at Badeix (Dordogne)

provides a good illustration of this category. It totals twelve by six metres and is divided by two thick, central columns into six, groin vaulted bays. One of the capitals of these columns has a very rudimentary leaf design and the other bears an unusual tear-drop motif. The fa<;:ade once con sisted of a central portal with lightly pointed arch flanked by two rounded headed bays. These have now been par-

tially blocked to allow for the insertion of casement win dows and a farmhouse door. Francou, in the department of Tarn and Garonne, is similar in style although built of brick, and instead of central columns has square brick pillars with elegant engaged columns set in the angles. Puy Chevrier, in the department of Indre, is a further twin columned type. This, however, appears far lighter and more delicate than the previous examples. Here the vault ing springs directly from corbels set into the angles and wall-faces onto central fluted columns. Regrettably, the original grandmontine windows in the exterior wall have been squared in an attempt to modernise them. The fac;:ade is in excellent condition. Although it was filled in like the one at Badeix when the buildings were secularised, it has recently been unblocked and restored. While it is consid erably more elegant and elaborate it nevertheless bears some resemblance to the facade at Bois d' Allonne. The twin windows on either side of the central portal area set in enclosed arches which rest on short columns with foliated capitals. Four bayed, single columned versions of this type

The chapter house facade at Bois d'Allonne (Deux-Sevres)

of rib vaulted chapter house have also survived at Chassay, Embreuil, Montguyon, Montcient Fontaine, and Epoisses.

The latter two, however, have three bayed facades instead of just two.

East Range Undercroft

The remainder of the east range consists of a single long room. This is occasionally prolonged by the addition of a second chamber so as to project beyond the refectory range southwards in cases where the church is sited to the north of the cloister, as at Comberoumal, and northwards, whereas the reverse is the case as at Marigny. Normally in medieval monasteries this section of the range housed a monks' day room with a calefactory or warming room alongside. The Grandmontines, however, made no provi sion for warming rooms in their domestic quarters. The only chimneys and fireplaces which have been discovered are located in kitchens and west ranges, which were almost certainly intended for the reception of guests. The south and west ranges at Comberoumal, Villiers, Charbonnieres, la Belliere, and Grosbois, to name but a few, all have fireplaces which are quite obviously later installations. In all probability they date from the time when these areas were refurbished as lodgings for the commendatory priors. Although several authorities have labelled this section of the east range salle des moines, it is debatable to what extent it was actually utilised as a community living room. In the first instance, it is always provided with fewer windows than are found elsewhere in the buildings, normally only three. And even these are considerably narrower than those provided in the refectory and dorter. The end wall, which forms the juncture between the east and refectory range, is always provided with a large doorway which leads either directly into the garden or into the range extension from which a further doorway opens to the exterior. It is generally supposed that this east range exten sion was intended as a storeroom for tools and agricultural implements and/or wood store.

Very little remains of the rere dorters which were sited at the extremities of east ranges. At les Bronzeaux and

338 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

Marigny, corbels which remain in the upper section of the end walls were certainly intended for the main beam of a timbered structure which would have housed this particu lar apartment. At le Sauvage, there is a large stone conduit running under the south and east ranges. The ground has caved in on the site of the rere dorter which has made the conduit accessible but highly dangerous. The excavations at le Pinel have revealed a similar drainage system which confirms that grandmontine plumbing was in line with the usual monastic arrangements. The great stone drain at Louye near Dourdan can be entered by a flight of stone stairs. It has an interesting post-monastic history in that it was used by the Resistance as an escape route for british airmen shot down in the area during World War II. At Petit Bandouille, the monastic water supply and drainage sys tem have been utilised for irrigation.

At both Comberoumal and St Michel de Lodeve the terraces built over the east range extensions are on the site of the rere dorter. The doorway to the latrines at the south end of the dorter at Comberoumal now gives onto a delightful sun terrace with magnificent views over the surrounding countryside. Alongside the doorway is a 'window' with a rounded head which almost certainly was originally fashioned as a lamp niche. This feature is gener ally found between the dorter and rere dorter of cistercian monasteries and was intended to hold a lamp to light the way at night. Doorways with corresponding niches are also found in the same position at Montcient Fontaine, Fontblanche, Marigny, and Chassay.

Darter

This vast chamber conforms with the usual monastic custom in that it occupies the whole of the upper section of the east range. The only specific grandmontine variations are the inclusion of the small stone vaulted chamber at the end alongside the church and the cubicle system. Opinion varies considerably as to when the Grandmontines began

dividing their dorters into individual cells or cubicles. Fa ther A. Aussibal has noted that the number and emplace ment of the windows in the dorter seems to indicate that the whole chamber was intended to be divided at the actual time of building.27 Dr Grezillier had previously calculated the measurements of these cells as 3.30 x 2.65 metres, measurements which he derived mainly from his study of the cells of Badeix and Comberoumal. 28 The windows themselves are always constructed along the same princi ples as those lighting the church. Although the apertures themselves are quite narrow, they are broadly and deeply embrasured on the interior so that the maximum amount of light was directed into the chamber. Numbering in total thirteen or more, this amount of fenestration would have been unnecessarily generous to light just the one room. The fact that each individual cubicle would have been extremely well lit by a window both larger and distinctly more impressive than those found in the undercroft sug gests that when he was not taking part in the offices in church, the Grandmontine hermit spent some time read ing or meditating privately in his cell in the dorter.

The dorter at Comberoumal (Aveyron)

340

The Hermit Monks of Grandmont Refectories

This area of the monastery conforms with the usual

monastic layout and is housed in the range parallel with the church. It never follows the cistercian custom which would have set it at right angles to the range. In most cases it occupies the southern wing of the monastic complex but in quite a few cases: Badeix, Chassay, Chateauneuf, Mont aussan, Marigny, and le Sauvage, it is located in the alter native position north of the church.

When the Order of Grandmont was disbanded and the monasteries were sold for secular purposes, it was nearly always the south range housing the refectory which was utilised by the new owners for living quarters. Quite sim ply, a south facing aspect is always considered preferable for living purposes. Unfortunately, this has resulted in there being very few unmutilated examples available for study. Villiers, Marigny, Montcient Fontaine, Chassay, Comberoumal, and St Michel de Lodeve provide the best surviving examples although the last two have been very greatly altered. Elements of the former refectory can also be identified at Fontblanche, Bonneraye, la Lance, Grosbois, as well as the ruins at Charbonnieres. The major part of a refectory can also be discerned behind the modern clad ding which conceals it at Louye. Most of the refectories were barrel vaulted and well-preserved examples can be viewed at la Lance and Montcient Fontaine. Chassay pro vides a rare exception in having been rib vaulted with two central columns. Nevertheless, the traditional grandmon tine windows are in such striking contrast to the ribbed interior that they raise the question of whether this is indeed the original styling or a rebuilding possibly the result of a fire. The vaulting was dismantled as recently as 1949 when subsidence rendered it unsafe for the animals tethered beneath it. No doubt because Chassay has a north sited cloister and conventuals, the farming family who occupied the site for two centuries chose to make their home in the east range rather than the cold north facing

building which they used as a cow shed. Happily, this rare example of a rib vaulted refectory is presently undergoing restoration.

The refectory at Chassay (Vendee)

The most outstanding feature of Grandmontine refec tory ranges are the windows which are invariably scaled down versions of those found in the churches. At la Lance, they add tremendous character to what is now a family dining room. At Montcient Fontaine, the entire range of windows has survived and has been carefully cleaned and restored. It lends a rather strange grandmontine character to a very ungrandmontine function, for the refectory at Montcient is now the luxuriously furnished lounge of a prestigious golf club.

Kitchens

This apartment is invariably situated at the far end of the refectory, adjoining the west range. In the ruins of la Belliere in Normandy, it is still possible to make out the fireplace and chimney. Puy Chevrier, in company with Chassay, has had its kitchen used for stabling purposes for

342 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

many years. The fine double serving hatchway is still clearly in evidence at Chassay while that at Puy Chevrier, temporarily lost to view beneath years of farmyard soil, has just recently been rediscovered. A further, lovely, exam ple, with central rounded archway and flanking niches, forms a garden feature at a country house which was formerly the grandmontine cell of le Cha.tenet. Said to have been first founded in the lifetime of St Stephen of Muret, it was refounded by Abbot Fran ois de Neufville in 1576 to

The refectory at Montcient Fontaine (Yvelines) now a club house lounge

house grandmontine nuns. The present house, built on the foundations of what was originally the south range, incor porates this striking feature in the west wall. A further and very fine example of a servery is still in its original position at Comberoumal.

WEST RANGE

In general terms, the west range of a grandmontine monastery has always suffered the most, where it has

survived at all, that is. Both Dr Grezillier29 and Father Aussibal3° are of the opinion that in some cases a western building may never have existed in the first place. How ever, in just about all of the sixty-two former grandmontine sites which have been considered for the present study, there is evidence in the form of mounds of rubble, or solid foundations beneath rickety outhouses, of a former build ing. Furthermore Frere Philippe-Etienne draws attention to the fact that according to the Grandmontine Custumal, the west range was actually the first of the buildings to be constructed when a new foundation was in progress. The reason for this was that it afforded the brethren shelter while they worked on the more elaborate construction which would become their permanent living quarters in the east range.

Father Aussibal's thesis which proposes that a west range was not present in every grandmontine cell is en tirely dependent upon a seventeenth-century plan of Bois Rahier at Tours which, true to say, does not feature a west range. This is not to say that one never existed in the first place and, in fact, Frere Philippe-Etienne has proposed a very satisfactory explanation to account for its disap pearance. The cell of Bois Rahier occupied a commanding position just beyond the southern sector of the city of Tours. In 1356, during the Hundred Years' War, the city militia purposely demolished the west building, overlook ing the city, for fear that the English might capture and use it as a convenient position from which to launch a new attack on the city itself.31 One might well ask why, when hostilities were ended, the building was not rebuilt. Most probably the explanation lies in the fact that by that time the priory was ruled by a commendatory prior who was not prepared to incur the expense that this would involve. Moreover, the greatly reduced community inhabiting the priory at this date almost certainly did not warrant an expensive rebuilding. That there was, without any doubt,

a building in this position at some former time is clear from the same seventeenth-century plan. This shows a small section of the building adjoining the south range to the west. It also reveals that it was used to accommodate a stairway rising to the upper section of the south range which was adapted for the prior's lodgings.

In cistercian monasteries, it was always the west range which was allocated to the numerous lay brethren attached to the Order. The Grandmontines, of course, recognised no distinction between the two classes of monks and so the convers shared the same living accommodation as the deres in the east range. Originally therefore, the grandmontine west range can only have been intended to house guests, a use suggested by the fact that wherever these buildings have survived, they are well segregated from the remain der of the monastery, presumably in an effort to safeguard the monks' privacy.

Of those houses which have retained some vestige of their west ranges, only six can be said to be in anything approaching good condition. Without exception they have been drastically rearranged, although the essential ground plan can still be distinguished. Basically, they consisted of a single large room with a passage at either end, each with doors opening to the exterior of the monastery and cloister respectively. The room itself had no communication with, and normally no windows looking onto, the cloister. A single upper chamber was reached by means of an internal flight of stairs located in one or other of the passages flanking the downstairs room. This was lit by only two windows, both set in the outer wall so that the cloister was not overlooked. This was the area of the monastery which was usually adapted in later times to house the commenda tory priors. In an extant seventeenth-century plan of the priory of Boulogne, the modified west range has all the appearance of a fashionable country mansion. The pleas ant formal gardens laid out to the rear confirm this impres sion.

CONCLUSION

The basic ground plan favoured by the grandmontine architects involving a church and three buildings grouped around a central courtyard, was not in itself unusual. The present study has attempted to identify those characteris tics which are exclusively grandmontine and have no par allel in other religious orders.

In the first place, the churches are quite obviously unlike those which were designed and built by other religious of the period when the Grandmontines were building. Dr Grezillier has shown that although a few single aisled churches which also lack side windows were built in France in the early medieval period, few survived, and those which did were later subjected to extensive modifica tion. Additionally, none of them can be dated prior to 1150 and, moreover, they all have square east ends and west entries. The Grandmontines alone retained the blind lat eral walls throughout their history and with a few, rather dubious, exceptions, preferred to retain their main portal in its humble and lowly position in a side wall. Then there is that extraordinary and ubiquitous feature, the enlarged apse. This combines with the fanned out lintels of the apsidal windows to give grandmontine sanctuaries a dis tinctive character and unique quality. Neither is there any equivalent in other monastic churches of the porticus which enclosed the lay entries of grandmontine churches and which served the brethren as parlours.

In the layout of the conventual buildings, the unusual siting of the slype which separates the church from the remainder of the east range is remarkable. Monastic builders generally located such passages further along the range, well away from the church. But whereas the Grand montines utilised the slype for the single purpose of gain ing access to the cemetery, other communities of monks used it as a main thoroughfare to buildings set apart from the cloister area, such as the infirmary. Thus, they sited it as far away from the church as possible presumably to cut

••

Plan of the priory of Boulogne (Lair-et-Cher) dated 1671 still in the possession of the owners, Mand Mme Bege.

down on noise. A further distinctive feature is the position ing of the dorter stairway in the east cloister alley instead of the range building itself.

The grandmontine style of loop windows with mono lithic lintels, fan shaped on the interior and tapering to wards the apertures like miniature tympanums, are very

distinctive. In fact, where a complete unbroken range of windows has survived as at Comberoumal, seep. 298, the grace and symmetry of the design is very impressive.

The accommodation of the lay brethren in the east range with the choir monks, instead of providing them with segregated quarters in the cistercian manner in the west range, is another outstanding grandmontine departure. Additionally, we have the simple arrangement of a single choir in church to accommodate both choir and lay breth ren.

Finally, the Cluniacs and Cistercians habitually sited their various work rooms, guest lodgings, infirmaries, and farm buildings outside the cloister enclosure. By contrast the Grandmontines, initially at any rate, included all such offices including guest quarters within the tight little quad rangle which constituted their basic cell. In later times there is undeniable evidence that barns and outhouses were added outside the enclosure. Nevertheless, in the early years of the Order, agricultural implements would have been stored in the dimly lit undercroft which occu pied the extremity of the east range furthest from the church. Bakehouses were sited at the juncture of the south and west ranges, judging by its presence in this position at both Comberoumal and Notre Dame de Louye. At Pinel the only site which to date has been subjected to thorough archaeological excavation, large silos for the storage of cereals have been uncovered under both the eastern sector of the south and the southern section of the east ranges.

Despite the introduction of more regular monastic cus toms to a limited degree before, but certainly after, the reconstitution of the Order in 1317, the spirit of the early hermits of Grandmont still lingers within these ancient walls. It has permeated the massive blocks of stone which remain as physical testimony to their ideals. It can be experienced even in the unlikely setting of the luxuriously furnished lounge bar of the country club now established in the former monastery of Montcient Fontaine. The Order

of Grandmont is no more, but as the author Desmond Seward has observed: 'An inspiration which endured for seven hundred years cannot have been worthless. Indeed, at its best it was one of the heroic vocations of the Church'.32 The architecture of these hermit monks symbol ises and mirrors that particular and heroic blend of contem plation, austerity, poverty, and simplicity which has ensured the Order of Grandmont a distinctive place in the history of western monasticism.

NOTES

RG ch. XXX; Bee, SOG pp.83-84.

Ibid; p. 83.

Archives of All Souls' College, Oxford, Alberbury Collection No. 226, plate form made in1579.

RG ch. XXXVI; p. 85.

A. Grezillier, 'Vestiges Grandmontains', BSAHL 86 (1963) 424.

See part 1 above, pp. 24-25 and 55.

Article 58; Bee, 'L'Institution, premier coutoumier de l'Ordre de Grandmont', RevM (1956) 25.

J-R. Gaborit, L'architecture de L'Ordre de Grandmont, 2 vols. Ecole des Chartes, unpublished thesis (1963).

A. Grezillier (above note 5) p. 422.

Pardoux de la Garde, description of Grandmont 2 in ms 1 Sem inaire de Limoges Collection 81, Archives de la Haute Vienne ff 122-24. Cited Gui, BSAHL 25 (1877) 373-80.

J-R. Gaborit, (above note 8) vol. 1, ch. 4.

M. L'Abbe Bourderioux considers the doorway in the west facade at Villiers to be original: 'Vestiges Grandmontains Tournageaux', Bulle tin de la Socret ' Arc ologique de Touraine 32 (1959) 203. Dr Grezillier was of the same opinion; see 'L' Architecture Grandmontaine' Bulletin Monu mental 121(1963) 338.

Plan du Prieure de Villiers, 1693. Archives d'Indre et Loire.

J-R. Gaborit, (above note 8) vol. 1, ch. 4.

Pardoux de la Garde, 'Description du lieu de Grandmont, cited Gui, BSAHL 25 (1877) p. 377. See J-R. Gaborit (above note 8) vol.1, ch. 4.

'De eruditione praedicatorum ... ad Grandimontenses', Works of Humbert de Romans, Edition par Marguerin de la Bigne, Bibliotheca

maximum patrum 25 (1677) col. 467. Dom Jacques Dubois has discussed this work in his article 'Les ordres monastiques en France apres les sermons de H. de Romans maitre general des freres precheurs (mort en 1277)' in the Belgian review Sacris erudiri 26 (1983) 198-220.

J-R. Gaborit, 'Notre Dame du Pare, Eglise du Prieure de Grand mont a Rouen', Revue de la Societe Savante de la Haute Normandie, lettres et sciences humaines 53 (1969) 15-25.

RG ch. XX; Bee SOG, p. 80.

C.J. Lilwall, 'Craswall Priory Excavations', Transactions of theWool hope Naturalists' Field Club (1908-19ll) 39.

A.W. Clapham, 'Architecture of the Order of Grandmont', Ar chaeologia 75 (1926) 198.

C.F. Wright, 'Report on the Field Study in Mediaeval Architecture held in July, 1962 on the site of Craswall Priory, Herefordshire', Transac tions of the Woolhope Naturalists' Field Club 38 (1964-66) 76-81.

A. Grezillier (above note 12) p. 343. For Clapham's plan see

Archaeologia 75 (1926) p. 197.

L'Abbe Bourderioux, (above note 12) p. 204.

Ibid., p. 207.

J-B. Rochias, La Vie du Reverend P'r!re Charles Fremon Reformateur de Grandmont, pb. canon A. Leclerc, (Limoges: Ducourtieux et Gout, 1910)

p. 50. This mentions 'un petit lieu voute proche de l'eglise qui servait autrefois a conserver les chartes de la maison'.

A. Grezillier (above note12) p. 348.

A. Aussibal, L'Art Grandmontain, (La Pierre-qui-Vire: Editions Zodiaque, 1984).

A. Grezillier, p. 348.

Ibid. p. 349.

Aussibal (above note 27) pp. 16 and 48, note 37.

Pere J. Fouquet OMI and Frere Philippe-Etienne, Histoire de L'Or dre de Grandmont (Chambray: 1985) p. 126.

'The Grandmontines-A Forgotten Order', Downside Review 83 (1965) 249.

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF GRANDMONTINE SITES

Many grandmontine site names have changed over the years and several have a variety of different spellings. To facilitate their location, the current versions have been employed as far as possible.

The number on the right refers to the French departe ment in which the site is located. For additional informa tion, consult the gazeteer which follows. This is arranged according to the French departmental numbering system. The letter which follows the departmental number corre sponds to the location of the site on the map. For example, Aubepierres is located in Departement 87 (Haute-Vienne) at the site marked A on the map.

1. AUBEPIERRES	87	A		16. La BELLIERE	61	A
2. AUBEVOIE	27	A		17. BERCEY	72	A
3. AULNOY	77	A		18. BOIS d' ALLONNE	79	B
4. AURA VENTOSA	12	C		19. BOIS MENOU	82	A
5. AUTHON	28	A		20. BOIS POUVREAU	79	C
6. BABOEUF	33	A		21. BOIS RAHIER	37	A
7. BADEIX	24	A		22. BOIS SAINT
8. BALEZIS	87	B		MARTIN	28	B
9. BANDOUILLE	79	A		23. BOISSET	24	C
10. BARBETORTE	85	A		24. BOISVERT	87	C
11. BEAUFEU	41	A		25. BONNEMAISON	60	A
12. BEAUJEU	69	A		26. BONNERAY	85	B
13. BEAUMONT	27	B		27. BONNEVALde
14. BEAUSAULT	16	A		SERRE	87	D
15. BELLESELVE	24	B		28. Le SOUCHET	86	A
			351

352 The Hermit Monks of Grandmont

29. BOULOGNE	41	B	73. FAYET	63	B
30. BREDIER	24	D	74. FONT ADAM	79	G
31. Le BREUIL d' AUTUN	21	A	75. FONT CREUSE	16	C
32. BREUIL BELLAY	49	A	76. FONTBLANCHE	18	C
33. Les BRONZEAU	87	E	77. FONTENET	58	C
34. BUSSY	42	A	78. FONTGUEDON	18	D
35. CAHORS	46	A	79. FONTMORE	86	C
36. LaCARTE	79	D	80. FRANCOU	82	B
37. CHAMPCOUTAUD	87	R	81. GANDORY	16	D
38. CHARBONNIERES	89	B	82. La GARDE en
39. CHARNES	18	A	ARVERT	17	C
40. CHARNIAC	19	A	83. GARRIGUES	47	B
41. CHASSAY	85	C	84. GRANDMONT	87	M
42. Les CHATAIGNIERS	36	A	85. GROSBOIS	03	A
43. CHATEAUNEUF	18	B	86. La GUERCE (La
44. CHATEAUVILLAIN	52	A	Barberandiere)	71	A
45. Le CHATENET	87	F	87. HAUTERIVES	37	C
46. CHA VANON	63	A	88. La HA YE d' ANGERS	49	B
47. CHENE GALON	61	B	89. La HUBAUDIERE	41	C
48. CLAIREFONTAINE	60	B	90. ISLE AUMONT	10	A
49. CLAIREFEUILLE	37	B	91. ISSENGHI	71	B
50. CLERY	45	A	92. JAILLAT	23	A
51. Le CLUZEAU	87	G	93. JARRY	17	B
52. COLOMBE	58	A	94. La LANCE	17	D
53. COMBEROUMAL	12	A	95. LaLANDE	33	B
54. La COUDRE	45	B	%. UGNY le CHATEL	89	C
55. CRAON	53	A	97. LOCDIEU	82	C
56. DEFFES (DEFFECH)	47	A	98. LeLOHAN	51	A
57. DESGAGNAZEIX	46	B	99. LOUBERT	16	E
58. DIVE (PETIT			100. LOUYE	91	A
BANDOUILLE)	79	E	101. MACHERET	51	B
59. DIXMONT			102. MALGORCE	19	B
(L'ENFOURCHURE)	89	A	103. MARIGNY	41	D
60. LA DROUILLE			104. MATHONS	52	B
BLANCHE	87	I	105. MERINIAC	47	C
61. La DROUILLE			106. La MERLERIE	85	D
NOIRE	87	J	107. LeMEYNEL	95	A
62. L'ECLUSE	87	K	108. MONNAIS	49	C
63. EMBREUIL	17	A	109. MONTAUBERON	34	A
64. ENTREFINS	86	B	110. MONTAUSSAN	37	D
65. ENTRUAN	79	F	111. MONTCIENT
66. EPAIGNE	87	L	FONTAINE	78	A
67. EPOISSES	21	B	112. MONTGUYON	53	B
68. L'ESPAU	36	B	113. MONTESARGUES	30	A
69. ETRICOR	16	B	114. MONTMORILLON	86	D
70. FAYS	39	A	115. MONTUSCLAT	19	C
71. LaFAYEde			116. Les MOUUNEAUX	78	B
]UMILHAC	24	E	117. MOUUNS	36	C
72. LaFAYEdeNEVERS	58	B	118. MURET	87	N

119. OURSE (Ursia)	17	E	143. SAVIGNY	02	A
120. PARIS (College			144. SERMAIZE	17	F
Mignon)	75	A	145. TIIlERS	63	C
121. PETILLOUX	18	E	146. TRAINS	77	C
122. Le PEYROUX	46	C	147. TREZEN	87	Q
123. PINEL	31	A	148. La TROUSSA YE	86	E
124. La PLAIGNE (Plaine)	24	F	149. LaVAYOLLE	86	F
125. POMMIER AIGRE	37	E	150. Les VAYSSIERES	24	G
126. POURRIERES	19	D	151. Le VERDELAIS	33	C
127. LaPRIMAUDIERE	44	A	152. VIAYE	43	B
128. PRUNHOLS	43	A	153. VIEUPOU	89	D
129. PUY CHEVRIER	36	D	154. VILLIERS	37	F
130. PUY GIBERT	19	E	155. VINCENNES Bois de	94	A
131. RAROY	77	B
132. RAUZET	16	G	ENGLAND
133. RAVEAU	16	F	156. ALBERBURY	B
134. La RIBEYROLLE	47	D	Shropshire
135. ROCHESERVIERE	85	E	157. CRASWALL	A
136. ROUEN (Notre Dame			Herefordshire
du Pare)	76	A	158. GROSMONT	C
137. ROUSSET	87	0	Yorkshire

138. SAINT MICHEL de

LODEVE 34 B SPAIN

ESTELLA A

139. SAINTE ROSE	32	A
140. SAUMUR	87	p
141. Le SAUVAGE	12	B
142. SAUZAI	36	E

SAN MARTIAL de B TUDELA

Map of Grandmontine sites

Umoges region

.,.-..., Fonner limitd

Limoges diocese

••• ··• •••. • ,... ntoise

8 2/i;.......

(····ff• {

Paris region

GAZETEER

A list of one hundred fifty grandmontine sites was com piled by Dom Jean Becquet, OSB in 1982. Monsieur J-G Gabiron has since revised this and arranged the sites by order of departement to help prospective visitors establish their precise location. This has been found to be very convenient and so it has been retained in the English version of the gazeteer which follows.

Additional historic information and documentary sources available for the study of each grandmontine site can be found in: J-R Gaborit, 'Architecture de l'Ordre de Grandmont,' Ecole des chartes, position de theses, 1963, (unpublished thesis) Archives de la Haute Vienne.

The name and number of the departement is listed on the left. Within each departement, the sites are in alphabet ical order. The first name in each address is that of the nearest commune followed by the full post code and can ton in which the site is located.

Where a site is italicised this indicates that it was up graded from a cell to a priory when the Order of Grand mont was reconstituted by Pope John XXII in1317.

An asterisk beside the name of a cell indicates that it is

in an exceptionally fine state of preservation.

An asterisk in the box devoted to 'present use' means that the site can be visited at any time. For the others it is necessary to obtain the permission of the owners in ad vance.

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDffiON PRESENTUSE

01	AISNE	SAVIGNY	A	Seringes-et-Nesles 02130 Fere-en-Tardenois	Extremity of E. range with section of dorter over.	Farm
03	ALLIER	GROSBOIS	A	Gipcy 03210 Souvigny	Ruins of E. range. Refectory and kitchen housed in the S. range which	*Farm Scheduled mon-
					is in a fine state of preservation.	ument
10	AUBE	ISLE-AUMONT	A	Cormost 10800 St-Julien-les-Villas	Soil markings only can be identified	Situated on farmland.
12	AVEYRON	AURA VENTOSA		Castelnau-Pegayroles	Small hermitage fashioned in a cliff	*Situated on
		Hermitage only	C	12620 St-Beauzelay	face. The outer wall with original	farmland.
					window openings is extant.
		*COMBEROU-		M.Mme.P.Bastide	Church, very well restored. E. range	*Country
		MAL	A	12620 St-Beauzelay	with dorter over in excellent condi-	house.
					tion. The S. and W. ranges have
					been considerably altered.
		Le SAUVAGE	B	Balsac	Ruins of E. range and refectory. The	*Derelict and
				12000Rodez	chapter house has retained its vault-	abandoned.
					ing and fa ade in fair condition.
16	CHARENTE	BEAUSAULT	A	16210Chalais	No visible remains	Situated on
						farmland.
		*ETRICOR	B	Col. Ragot	Church only but in very good condi-	Situated on
				Etagnac	tion.	farmland.
				16150 Chabanais
		FONTCREUSE	C	M. Guenery	Ruins of nave with doorway half	Situated on
				St-Coutant	buried. Nothing else visible.	farmland.
				16350 Champagne-Mouton

356

DEPARTEMENT	SITE		(where known)	REMAINS & CONDffiON	PRESENT USE
	GANDORY	D	Cherves	No visible remains.	Situated on
			16370 Richemont (Cognac)		farmland.
	LOUBERT	E	16450 Roumazieres Loubert	No visible remains.	Situated on
					farmland.
	RAVEAU	F	Mr. &Mrs. Lewis Aussac	W. fa ade of church and section of west range. A stone-vaulted kitchen	Situated on farmland.
			16560 Tourriers, St-Amand-de-	survives in the ruins of the N. range.
			Bobce	Considerable amounts of worked
				stone lying about the site.
	*RAUZET	G	Contact Mr. & Mrs. Fairbourn Combiers	The church remains in exceptionally fine condition considering that it has	*Situated on farm land. An
			16320 Villebois-Lavalette	been lying derelict for years. Foun- dations of S. range clearly discernible.	attempt is cur- rently underway to save this site.
17 CHARENTE- MARITIME	EMBREUIL	A	Breuil-de-Saintes, Grezac 17120Cozes	E. range now incoporated into farm- ing complex. Chapter house fa ade	Forms part of farming com-
				still in very good condition. The cen-	plex.
				tre column has an exceptionally fine
				carved capital.
	JARRY	B	Bussac 17100 Saintes	The monastic remains have been completely absorbed by the farm	Farm
				which was established on the site in
				the 17th c. Few visible Grandmon-
				tine remains.

357

DEPARTEMENT	SITE	(where known)	REMAINS & CONDITION	PRESENT USE
	La GARDE-en-	17390 La Tremblade	No visible remains.	Situated on
	ARVERT C			farmland.
	La LANCE D	M. Mme. Luneau	The nave of the church remains in	Church= bm.
		Breuil Magm?	good condition with exceptionally	Refectory range
		17870 rochefort	well preserved doorway. The refec	farmhouse.
			tory has retained 5 original
			windows.
	OURSE (de Ursia) E	St-Germain-de-Vibrac 17500 Jonzac	No visible remains.	Situated on farmland.
	SERMAIZE F	Nieul-sur-Mer	Nave of church with doorway well	Forms part of
		17140 Lagord	preserved. Extensive remains of con	small holding
			ventuals but in very derelict	on the edge of
			condition.	town.
18 CHER	CHARNES A	Saint-Satur	Part of church apse with vaulted	*Derelict
		18300 Sancerre	slype alongside. Other distinguish
			able remains overgrown with
			vegetation.
	*CHATEAUNEUF B	Corquoy 18190 Chateauneuf-sur-Cher	Church complete but derelict. Fresco of Virgin and Child deteriorating.	*Situated on wooded farm
			Ruined sections of E. range. Sub	land. Derelict.
			stantial mounds of rubble in cloister.

*FONTBLANCHE

M.Mme.Huet Genouilly 18310 Gra ay

Church and E. range with dorter over in fine state of preservation. S. range much modified for housing.

Country house

358

DEPARTEMENT	SITE	(where known)	REMAINS & CONDITION	PRESENT USE
	FONTGUEDON D	Col. de Bonneval Thaurniers 18210 Charenton-du-Cher	Nave of church standing to half its original height is re-roofed and in use as a granary. Limited remains of	Tenant farm
			conventuals.
	PETILLOUX E	18370 Chateaurneillant	No visible remains.	Grassed over
19 CORREZE	CHARNIAC A	Louignac 19310Ayen	No standing remains but consider- able amounts of worked stone are lying about the site and have been incorporated in various farm build-	Forms part of farming corn- plex
			ings.
	MALGORCE B	Saint-Martin-Sepert	No visible remains	Not located
		19210 Lubersac
	MONTUSCLAT C	M. Cornbartet	No visible remains	Forest area
		Soudeilles
		19300 Egletons
	POURRIERES D	M. Masgirnel	No visible remains	On the border of
		Larnongerie 19510 Masseret		a forest
	PUYGIBERT E	19600 Larche	No visible remains	Situated on a
				plateau over-
				looking the
				valley of the
				Vezere

359

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDIDON PRESENT USE

21 COTE-D'OR LeBREUIL M.MmeSevry Nave of church much mutilated, in Part of farming d'AUTUN A Thoisy-la-Berchere use as barn. The monks' entry re- complex

21210 Saulieu mains in a very fine state of preservation.

EPOISSES B lnstitut National de Recherche E. Range only, much modified. The *College of Ag- Agronomique chapter house is in very fine condi- riculture

Breteniere tion.

21110 Genlis

CREUSE JAILLAT A Bord-Saint-George No visible remains Situated on

23230 Gouzon farmland.

DORDOGNE *BADEIX A St-Estephe Church, including apse in good con- Farming com-

24360 Piegut dition despite its use as stabling. E. plex. The

range intact, chapter house espe- chapter house is dally in fine condition. used for living

accommodation.

BELLESELVE B Tursac Extensive ruins of both church and *Abandoned on 24620 Les-Eyzies-de-Tayac, Si- conventuals. farmland.

reuil

BOISSET C Saint-Aquilin The plan of the site still clearly evi- *Grazing 24110 St-Astier dent from grassed over mounds and

rubble.

BREDIER D Queyssac No visible remains Not located 24140 Villamblard Bergerac

360

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDffiON PRESENTUSE

		La FAYE-de-		24630 Jumilhac-le-Grand	The two wings of the chAteau of Faye	Private house
		JUMILHAC	E		have absorbed the former E. range with its chapter house and the refec-	(visitors never permitted)
					tory which was housed in the S
					range.
		LaPLAIGNE (PLAINE)	F	Savigniac-Ledrier 24270 Lanouaille	Buildings dating from the 17th c. ob- scure the original monastic ground	*Situated on farmland.
					plan. Considerable amounts of
					worked stone and debris of earlier
					buildings.
		Les VAYSIERES	G	M. Martin	Considerable standing ruins of	Ruin stands in
				Vitrac	church and E. range. Other remains	the garden of a
				24200 Sarlat	concealed by vegetation.	private house
27	EURE	AUBEVOIE	A	Aubevoie 27600 Gaillon	Soil markings only.	Grazing
		BEAUMONT	B	Le noyer-en-Ouche	No visible remains	Grassed over
				27410 Beaumesnil
28	EURE-et-	AUTHON	A	28330 Authon-du-Perche	Part of the western sector of the nave	Forms part of
	Lom				remains and is in use as a barn. The	farming com-
					W. range has been utilized as a farm house and has retained 5 original	plex
					windows.
		BOIS-SAINT-		Bonce-et-Montainville	No visible remains: the present barn	Farming com-
		MARTIN	B	28150Voves	possibly occupies the site of the	plex
					church.	superimposed.

361

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDmON PRESENTUSE

30	GARD	MONTESARGUES	30126 Tavel, Roquemaure	The church was sited to the south,	Forms part of
		A		but no traces remain. The N. range	farming com-
				which housed the refectory still	plex
				stands though much altered.
31	HAUTE-	PINEL A	Villaries	Normally no visible remains but in-	Ploughed over
	GARONNE		31380 Montastruc-la-	teresting excavation in progress.
			Conseillere
32	GERS	SAINTE-ROSE A	32340 Miradoux	No visible remains.	Ploughed over
33	GIRONDE	BABOEUF A	Farques Saint-Hilaire	The E. range is said to have been in-	Country house
			33370 Tresses	corporated into the chAteau of Sainte
				Rafine. No other visible remains.
		La LANDE B	St-Emilion	The precise location of this site has
			33330 Libourne	not been established.
		Le VERDELAIS C	Aubiac 33430 Bazas, St-Macaire	The central portion of the nave re- mains recognisably Grandmontine	Farm use
				despite 17th and 18th c. modifica-
				tions.
34	HERAULT	MONTAUBERON	Preventorium. Faculte de Med-	Lateral walls of the nave, E. range-	Remains incor-
		A	icine	slype, chapter house and traces of	porated into the
			34100 Montpellier	undercroft.	building, used as a clinic.
		*SAINT-MICHEL- de-LODEVE B	M.H.Bec Soumont et St-Privat-des-	Church, N. Chapel, cloister and all three range buildings exceptionally	*Historic monu- mentopento
			Sakes	well preserved although the exterior	the public.
			34700 Lodeve	appearance of the building was al-
				tered when the site was secularised.

362

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDIDON PRESENT USE

36	INDRE	Les CHATAIG- NIERS	A	Orsennes 36190 Aigurande	No visible remains	Not located
		L'ESPAU	B	BelArbre 36370 Belabre	Foundations of church, rubble mounds and debris.	Situated on farmland.
		MOULINS	C	Beaudres-et-Moulins-sur- Cephons 36110 Levroux	Only a small chapel survives which may represent the former E. range slype.	Situated on farmland.
		*PUY CHEVRIER	D	M. Mme. de Beauvais Merigny 36220 Tournon-St-Martin	Church and E. range in a very fine state of preservation. Chapter house fac;ade recently restored. The S. range has been much modified. Part	Country house
					only of the W. range.
		SAUZAI	E	Le Poinc;onnet 36330 Ardentes	Rubble mounds and debris indicate the former ground plan.	Situated on farmland.
37	INDRE-et- LOIRE	BOISRAHIER	A	Saint-Avertin 37170 Chambray-les-Tours	This site has vanished beneath a sub- urb of Tours.
		CLAIREFEUILLE	B	37350 Le Grand Pressigny	Negligible monastic remains incor- porated in 17th c. farm house. The cell, destroyed by the Huguenots was never rebuilt.	Farm
		HAUTERIVES	C	Yzeures-sur-Creuse 37290 Preuilly-sur-Claise	The nave and well preserved door- way and E. range have survived in reasonable condition and serve as barn and granary respectively.	Forms part of farming com- plex

363

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDffiON PRESENTUSE

		MONTAUSSAN D	Souvigny-de-Touraine 37400 Amboise	Extensive standing ruins of church and E. range. Site much overgrown.	*Abandoned on forest land
		Le POMMIER-	Cravant-les-Coteaux	W. range only bearing 15th and 17th	Farm
		AIGRE E	37500 Chinon	c. modifications.
		VILLIERS F	Frere Philippe-Etienne	Nave (restored) and E. range. S.	Hermitage
			Villeloin-Coulange	range modified in the 17th and 18th
			37460 Montresor	c.
39	JURA	FAY A	Les Deux Fays 39230 Sellieres	Traces of former monastic occupa- tion have been identified in the	Church Presby- tery
				house presently occupying the site.
41	LOIR -et-	BEAUFEU A	St-Marc-du-Cor	Ground floor of W. range with well	Farm
	CHER		41170 Mondoubleau	preserved slype.
		BOULOGNE B	M.Mme. Bege	Enclosure ditches and foundations	Farm
			Tour-en-Sologne	visible as crop marks.
			41250 Bracieux
		La HUBAUDIERE	Sasnieres	Foundations of church and associ-	Situated on
		C	41310 St-Amand-de-Longpre	ated debris. Traces of conventuals.	farmland
		*MARIGNY D	M. Mme. Mettaie	E. range particularly dorter windows	*Farm outbuild-
			Lorges	in fair condition. Also N. range	ing. A modern
			41370 Marchenoir	which housed the refectory and	house has been
				kitchen. Fine servery. Water storage	built on the site
				cisterns discovered under the clois-	of the church
				ter.

364

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDffiON PRESENT USE

42	LOIRE	BUSSY	A	Bussy-Albieux	No visible remains	Not located
				42260 St-Germain-Laval
43	HAUTE-	PRUNHOLS	A	Cistrieres	No visible remains	Not located
	LOIRE			43160 La Chaise-Dieu
		*VIAYE	B	M. Drouin	E. and N. ranges have survived in	Farm
				Saint-Vincent	reasonable condition although their
				43800 Vorey, St-Paulien	upper storeys have been greatly al-
					tered.
44	LOIRE- ATLANTI-	*LaPRI- MAUDIERE	A	M.Herve Juigne-des-Moutiers	The church is in a good state of pre- servation, recently re-roofed. The W.	Country house
	QUE			44670 St-Julien-de-Vouvantes	range was modified in the 16th, and again in the 17th c.
45	LOIRET	CLERY	A	45370 Clery-St-Andre	No visible remains.	Situated on
						farmland
		LaCOUDRE	B	Chambon-la-Foret	The church nave has been trans-	Farm house and
				45340 Beaune-la-Rolande	formed into a habitation and an oven	outbuildings.
					installed in the main doorway.
46	LOT	CAHORS	A	46000 Cahors	No visible remains.	Suburb of the
						city
		*DESGAG- NAZEIX	B	Peyrilles 46310 St-Germain-du-Bel-Air	The church has retained its Grand- montine character despite the fact that it was adapted for parish use in the 16th c. The vaulting was re-	*Church = pa- rochial. E. range = presbytery
					inforced when the bell tower was
					built in 1880.

365

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDIDON PRESENT USE

		LePEYROUX	C	Issepts	Extensive ruins partially concealed	*Abandoned on
				46320 Astier	by vegetation.	wooded hill- side.
47	LOT -et-	DEFFES		Bon-Encontre	A farmhouse has been built into the	Farm-known
	GARONNE	(DEFFECH)	A	47240Agen	nave of the church. There are no	today as Sainte-
					other identifiable remains except 300	Rose
					metres to the south where there is an
					entry into a large cloacum.
		La GARRIGUES	B	Saint-Pardoux-du-Breuil	W. range, now a small church. Some	*Parish church
				47200 Marmande	evidence of former monastic occupa-
					tion in and around the modem
					house which stands on the site of the
					S. range.
		MERINIAC	C	Miramont-de-Guyenne	Debris	Situated on
				47800 Lauzun		farmland
		La RIBEYROLLE	D	Bias	No visible remains.	Not located
				47300 Villeneuve-sur-Lot
49	MAINE -et-	*BREUIL BELLA	Y	Mme.Potez	Church and original stone porticus	Country house.
	LOIRE		A	Cizay-la-Madeleine	intact but deteriorating. E. range in
				49700 Doue-la-Fontaine	good state of preservation with chap- ter house intact. Exteriors of E. and
					S. ranges much modified.
		*I.aHAYE-d'		Brotherhood of St. Jean	Church and N. chapel well pre-	*Religious
		ANGERS	B	Avrille	served and recently restored. The S.	house. Church
				49240 Angers	and W. ranges were rebuilt in the	only may be vis-
					17th c. Foundations of stone porticus	ited.

366 recently excavated.

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDmON PRESENTUSE

		MONNAIS	C	Jumelles	N. wall of church bearing some of	Situated on the
				49160 Longue-Jumelles	the corbels which would have borne the main beam of the porticus roof.	edge of a forest.
51	MARNE	LeLOHAN	A	M. Dailly	Enclosure ditches. Ruins of the refec-	Situated on
				Mareuil-en-Brie	tory and part of the chapter house.	farmland.
				51270 Montmort-Lucy	Considerable debris.
		MACHERET	B	Saint-Just-Sauvage	No visible remains	Situated on
				51260 Anglure		farmland
52	HAUTE- MARNE	CHATEAU- VILLAIN	A	For t de Chat 52120 Chateauvillain	W. range only partially preserved	Situated on farmland.
		MATHONS	B	Mathons	N. wall of sanctuary attached to E.	Forms part of
				52300 Joinville	range slype which has retained its	farming com-
					vaulting. Ruins only of chapter	plex.
					house. Other foundation mounds
					and debris.
53	MAYENNE	CRAON	A	Ballots	E. range modified for use as farm	Forms part of
				53350 St-Aignan-sur-Roe	house but chapter house in fair con-	farming com-
					dition. S. range in very ruinous	plex
					condition incorporated in outhouses.
		MONTGUYON	B	Place 53560 Alexain, Mayenne	Apse wall (now woodshed) stands to about a third of its original height.	Forms part of farming com-
					Chapter house fa ade blocked but	plex
					the interior is in a good state of pre-
					servation especially the central
					column and capital.

"367

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDmON PRESENT USE

58	NIEVRE	COLOMBE	A	Montapas 58110 Chatillon-en-Bazois	Ruins of church and conventuals very overgrown.	*Abandoned on forest land.
		La FAYE-de- NEVERS	B	Sauvigny-les-Bois 58160Imphy	Ruins of refectory with original win- dow apertures. Debris.	*Abandoned in forest clearing.
		FONTENET	C	Corvol-1'Orgueilleux	Church incorporated into house. The	Country house
				58460Varzy	sanctuary (retained as a chapel) is in good condition. Two later towers
					alongside.
60	OISE	BONNEMAISON	A	Choisy-au-Bac 60750 Compiegne	Vaulted refectory with two central columns, in use as a chapel since the	Country house
					19th C.
		CLAIREFON-		M. Mme Gromard	Nave of church, the W. wall has re-	Disused tenant
		TAINE	B	Saint-Germain-la-Poterie	tained its original window aperture.	farm forming
				60650 Auneuil	E. range slype in ruins. Rubble mounds indicate the remainder of	part of large country estate.
					the conventuals.
61	ORNE	LaBELLIERE	A	La Belliere 61200 Mortree, Argentan	Extensive standing ruins of both church and conventuals.	*Abandoned on farmland.
		CHENE GALON	B	Eperrais	E. range incorporated in present	Farm
				61440 Mortagne-au-Perche	house. S. range also but much al-
					tered.
63	PUY-de- DOME	CHAVANON	A	Comberonde 63460 Puy de Dome	Church, lacking vaulting in very ru- inous and dangerous condition. E.	Forms part of farming com-
					range, adapted for housing in the	plex.
					18th c. and subsequently burnt out.

368

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDmoN PRESENTUSE

		FAYET	B	Yronde-et-Buron	No identifiable remains, the site	Situated on
				63270 Vic-le-Comte	must have provided a local quarry as traces of ancient stone can be seen in	farmland.
					the buildings of the farm.
		THIERS	C	63300 Thiers	Of this, the last Grandmontine house to be built, (1650) only the	Feature of sub- urb.
					stone porticus remains along with
					some low stone walls.
69	RHONE	BEAUJEU	A	Blace 69830 St. Georges de Reneins	Refectory with 4 original window ap- ertures and other remains	ChAteauand vineyard
					incorporated in the chateau of Gram-
					mont
71	SAONE-et- LOIRE	LaGUEURCE (La BARBERAN- DIERE)	A	Colombier-en-Brionnais 71800 La Oayette	Foundations discernible.	Situated on farmland
		ISSENGHI	B	Saint-Agnan	Nave (in use as a barn) and E. range	Forms part of a
				71160 Digoin	slype. Also parts of refectory.	farming com-
						plex.
72	SARTHE	BERCEY	A	Outille	Sections of E. range, wall of chapter	Private house
				72640 Ecommoy	house and the slype, which is intact and has been transformed into a cha-
					pel.
75	PARIS	COLLEGE MIG-		Rue Mignon	No remains	Built over
		NON	A	Paris 16

369

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDITION PRESENT USE

76	SEINE- MARITIME	ROUEN (N.D. du PARC)	A	Avenue de Grammont 76100Rouen	Church in very good condition.	Parish church no longer in use.
77	SEINE-et- MARNE	AULNOY	A	Courchamp 77560 Villiers-St-George	Church has retained its vault but the apsidal roofing has been modified.	Forms part of farming com-
					Ruins of E. range include chapter	plex. Church in
					house fa ade. The W. range, much	use as a barn.
					modified, is the present farmhouse.
		RAROY	B	Crouy-sur-Ourcq 77840 Lizy-sur-Ourcq	Ruins of the church and W. range. Vaulted cellar and wells on site of S.	*Abandoned in woodland area.
					range.
		*TRAINS	C	Villecerf	Nave of church utilised for housing.	Farming estate.
				77250 Moret-sur-Loing	E. range, especially chapter house in
					fine state of preservation. Remnants
					ofW. range.
78	YVELINES	*MONTCIENT		Sailly	Nave and all three ranges in good	*Golf club
		FONTAINE	A	78440 Gargenville, Limay	condition though much restored and
					exterior fa ades modified. Refectory
					window apertures are original.
					Chapter house with central column
					and capital in very fine condition.
		Les MOULINEAUX	B	Poigny-la-For t 78120 Rambouillet	The apse of the church alone has sur- vived.	In the grounds of chAteau.

370

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDffiON PRESENT USE

79 DEUX-	*BANDOUILLE	A	M. Boujin	The nave survives in ruins. The E.	*Country house
SEVRES			Chiche 79350 Bressuire	range is in a good state of preserva- tion especially the slype, chapter
				house and dorter stairway. Rem-
				nants of W. range also
	*BOIS d'ALLONNE	B	M. Mme. Gerson Allonne	Church and E. range in very fine condition.	Country house. E. range inhab-
			79130 Secondigny		ited
BOIS POUVREAU			M.Paradeau	No visible remains although rem-	Situated on
C			Coutieres	nants of stonework are	farmland.
			79340 Menigoutte	distinguishable in a neighbouring
				farm.
La CARTE D			M. Babin	The monastery would seem to have	Chateau-des-
			Vitre	been quarried to provide stone for	Bonshommes
			79370 Celles-sur-Belle	the Chateau-du-Prieure which
				stands on the site.
*DIVE(PEm			Saint-Martin-de-Macon	Ruins of nave. E. range in good con-	Tenant farm
BANDOUILLE) E			79100 Thouars	dition. Also S.W. section of refectory
				range. Interesting entrance to
				cloacum also to S.W.
ENTRUAN F			Montalembert	No visible remains.	Not located
			79190 Sauze-Vaussais
FONT ADAM G			Caunay	No visible remains.	Not located
			79190 Sauze-Vaussais

371

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDmON PRESENT USE

82	TARN-et- GARONNE	BOISMENOU	A	Puylagarde 82160 Caylus	Fragments of worked stone and de- bris.	Situated on farmland.
		*FRANCOU	B	M. Galley Francou	Nave of church in use as barn. The E. range is in a good state of preserva-	Country house and leased farm.
				82130 Lafran aise	tion. The S. range, modified for
					housing has retained some original
					features including some window ap-
					ertures.
		LOC-DIEU	C	Labastide-St-Pierre 82370 Grissolles	No visible remains	Situated on farmland.
85	VENDEE	BARBETORTE	A	Les Megnils-Reigniers 85400Lu on	No visible remains, farm of recent or- igin occupies site	Situated at the edge of a wood.
		BONNERAY	B	Puy de Serre	S. range, in good state of preserva-	Farm
				85240 St-Hilaire-des-Loges.	tion in use as farm house. Original
					window apertures. W. range (now a
					cowshed) has also retained grand-
					montine fenestration.
		*CHASSAY	C	Commune de Saint-Prouant Saint-Prouant	Church and all three range buildings in fine state of preservation having	*Conference centre and per-
				85110 Chantonnay	been recently restored to their for- mer monastic condition.	manent grandmontine
						exhibition
		LaMERLERIE	D	Chateau d'Olonne	A field known locally as 'chapel	Farmland
				85100 Les-Sables-d'Olonne	field' almost certainly conceals the
					foundations of the church but there
					is nothing visible

372

DEPARTEMENT	SITE	(where known)	REMAINS & C0NDm0N	PRESENT USE
	R0CHESERVIERE E	St-Christophe-la-Chartreuse 85620 Rocheserviere	The chAteau of Grandmont has been built over the site and probably in	ChAteau
			corporates stone from the
			monastery.
86 VIENNE	LeB0UCHET A	Berthegon 86420 Monts-sur-Guesnes	No visible remains	Not located
	ENTREFINS B	Mlle. Proust	Site not readily identifiable	A 19th century
		Adriers 86430 L'lsle-Jourdain		oratory occu pied part of the
				site.
	F0NTM0RE C	Velleches 86230 St-Gervais-les-Trois- Oochers	The S. and W. walls of the church have been incorporated into a barn. Parts of the E. and S. ranges have also survived. The W. range, used as	Farming com plex.
			the farm house has retained some of
			the original windows.
	M0NT M0RILL0N	86500 Montmorillon	A large vaulted room.	Private town house.
	(Grange only) D
	La TR0USSAYE E	M. de Montjou Iteuil	No visible remains	Woodland site
		86240 Liguge
	LaVAY0LLE F	Marquis de Beaucorps Crequy	E. range in very poor condition. W.	Tenant farm
		Nieuil-l'Espoir 86340 La Villedieu-du-Oain	range somewhat better, in use as farm outhouse. A large cloacum has
			been uncovered on the site.

373

DEPARTEMENT	SITE	(where known)	REMAINS & CONDmON	PRESENT USE
87 HAUTE VIENNE	AUBEPIERRES (Nuns) A	87600 Rochechouart	Mounds and debris overgrown.	Situated on farmland.
	BALEZIS (Grange only) B	Isle 87170 Limoges	No visible remains	Was situated on a plateau over looking the River Vienne
	BOISVERT C	Bujaleuf 87460 Eymoutiers	Stonework incorporated in farm buildings.	Farm
	BONNEVAL-de- SERRE D	Sussac 87130 CMteauneuf-la-For t	Mounds and debris. Much stone work visible in the walls of neighbouring farms.	Forest land.
	Les BRONZEAU E	M. de Latour Saint-Leger-Magnazeix 87190 Magnac-Laval	S. wall of nave incorporated in barn. E. range intact, chapter house in fair condition. Dorter also intact. The S. range exists also but much modified.	Tenant farm house and out houses.
	CHAMPCOM- TAUD R	Foiles 87770 Bessines-sur-Gartempe	Church intact but doubtful to what extent it can be considered Gand montine as the site belonged to two other religious congregations in the course of its history.	Church adapted for housing.

Le CHATENET Feytiat

(Nuns from 1576) F 87220 Limoges

374

The W. range has been incorporated into the present house. The monastic kitchen housed in the S. range has also survived. There is a very fine servery fashioned in what is now the exterior wall.

Country house. Visitors never permitted.

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDffiON

LeCLUZEAU G Meuzac Soil markings only identify the site 87380 St-Germain-les-Belles

LeCOUDIER Ambazac Building restored and in very fine

(grange only) H 87240 Ambazac condition.

PRESENT USE

Farmland

Scheduled mon ument in private ownership and used for public functions.

LaDROUILLE BLANCHE (Nuns)

LaDROUILLE NOIRE (Nuns) J

L'ECLUSE K

Bonnac-la-Cote 87270 Couteix

Saint-Laurent-les-Eglises 87340 La Jonchere-St-Maurice

No visible remains

Some stone work has been uncov ered on this site, notably a finely carved boss.

No visible remains

Farmland

Flooded by res ervoir. The ruins are re vealed every 20 years when this is drained.

EPAIGNE

GRANDMONT

L Sauviat-sur-Vige

87400 St-Leonard-de-Noblat

Saint-Sylvestre

No visible remains

Sections of perimeter walls and de

Not located

*The village has

MOTHER HOUSE

87240 Ambazac

bris. Chapel of St John the Baptist built with stone blocks retrieved when the Abbey was demolished.

absorbed much of the site.

375

DEPARTEMENT SITE		(where known)	REMAINS & CONDmON	PRESENTUSE
MURET	N	M. Mme de la Gueronniere	Foundations, soil and rock markings.	*Situated in
		Le Grand Muret		woodland area
		87240 Ambazac		which forms
				part of a country
				estate
ROUSSET	0	Vaulry	Debris	Situated on
		87140 Nantiat		farmland.
SAUMUR	p	Les Cars 87230 ChAlus	Foundations of S. range apparent. Quantities of worked stone.	Situated on farmland.
TREZEN	Q	Les Billanges	No visible remains	Situated on
		87340 La Jonchere-St-Maurice		farmland
89 YONNE DIXMONT (L'EN-		89500 Villeneuve-sur-Yonne	Ruins of the church. The W. range	Country house
FOURCHURE) A			has survived but has been much
			modified
*CHARBON-		Societe d'etudes d' Avallon	Church in very good condition. Ru-	*Scheduled his-
NIERES B		Sauvigny-le-Bois	ins of E. and S. ranges well	toric
		89200 Avallon	conserved.	monument.
LIGNY-le-		Varennes	No visible remains	Not located
CHATEL C		89230 Pontigny
VIEUPOU D		Poilly-sur-Tholon 89110 Aillant-sur Tholon	Ruins of church and E. range. The refectory, rebuilt in the 18th c. re-	Situated on farmland
			mains in good condition.

376

ADDRESS PROPRIETOR

DEPARTEMENT SITE (where known) REMAINS & CONDmON PRESENTUSE

91	ESSONNE	*LOUYE	A	Ursuline Sisters	Church well restored in very fine	Retreat house.
				Les Granges-le-Roi 91410 Dourdan	condition. E. and parts of S. and W. ranges, all in good state of preserva-	May be visited by appointment
					tion. The exterior facades have been	in August.
					remodelled.
94	VALde MARNE	VINCENNES	A	94300 Vincennes	No visible remains	Parisian suburb.
95	VAL de OISE	LeMEYNEL	A	Maffliers 95560 Montsoult, Ecouen	No visible remains	Situated in the forest of L'lsle-
						Adam
GRANDMONTINE FOUNDATIONS IN ENGLAND
HEREFORDSHIRE		CRASWALL	Mr. & Mrs. C. Richards		Extensive standing remains.	*Scheduled his-
			Abbey Farm Craswall			toric monument
			Herefordshire
SHROPSHIRE		ALBERBURY	All Souls' College. Oxford.		Chancel and N. chapel incorporated	*Farmhouse
			Tenant: Mr. R. Wilde		in farm house. Precinct moat and
			White Abbey Farm, Alberbury.		monastic fish pond discernible.
			Nr. Shrewsbury
YORKSHIRE		GROSMONT	The Priory		No visible remains, site ploughed	Farmland
			Grosmont, Nr. Whitby		over

377

APPENDIX

RENAISSANCE?

IN 1979, the former grandmontine priory of Sainte Trinite de Grandmont Villiers in the departement of Indre Loire became borne to a french priest desirous of living in accordance with the Rule of St Stephen. Pere Philippe Permentier passed ten years of reflection and formation in the religious life before seeking permission from the bishop of Tours to follow in the footsteps of St Stephen and become simply Frere Philippe-Etienne,

hermit.

With some assistance from an association of friends but mainly with his own hands, Frere Philippe has restored the church, rendered the south range habitable, and is currently working on the restoration of the east range which, like the church, was badly damaged when this former priory was taken over as a farm. For the past few years he has been sharing his solitude with two novices who are seeking to make profession as hermit monks of Grandmont.

Those who have not actually visited the 'hermitage' at Villiers might be forgiven for imagining that this is some kind of sensational project akin to those nineteenth century romantics who donned robes and installed them selves as hermits in gloomy gothic ruins. The brothers at Villiers do wear religious habits and they do live in a partial

379

ruin but their notions, far from being romantic, are distin guished by practical common sense. Their aim is to live their daily lives in accordance with the Gospel tradition. They are nevertheless wholly in harmony with the twen tieth century. They dispense charity to those in need and hospitality to any who wish to visit them in their 'desert' in need of counsel or a few hours of prayer and quiet re flection. In company with their twelfth-century confreres they are determined not to be a burden on anyone and so they work for their livelihood and efficiently manage a small farm with dairy cattle. Like any responsible french citizens, they contribute to social security and pay local rates and taxes. They cheerfully admit to 'luxuries' which the twelfth-century occupants of the priory never even dreamed of; their priory is wired for electricity, and has a mechanised milking parlour and a telephone.

Of these latter day innovations Frere Philippe has ob served: We have had to adapt our practice of the Rule to present day conditions but we must not lose sight of the fact that poverty consists in being content with the bare necessities and we must retain that spirit of abandonment to Divine Providence which was so dear to our founder and which is inherent in the Gospel, the first and only Rule for hermit monks of Grandmont.

Appendix

THE PRIORS AND ABBOTS OF GRANDMONT

381

PRIORS

Saint-Etienne (Stephen) of Muret circa 1076-1124 Pierre de Limousin 1124-1137

Pierre de Saint-Christophe1137-1139 Etienne de Liciae 1139-1163

Pierre Bernard 1163 -1170

Guillaume de Treignae 1170-1187 (resigned) Gerard lthier 1189-1198 (resigned)

Ademar de Friac 1198-1216

Caturcin 1216-1228 or 29 (remigned)

Elie Arnaud 1228 or 29-1238 (deposed) Jean de l' Aigle 1239-1242 (resigned) Ademar de la Vergne 1242-1245 Guillaume d'Ongres 1245-1248 (resigned) Ithier Merle 1248-circa 1260 (resigned) Gui d' Archer ?-1269 (resigned)

Foucher Grimoard 1269-1281

Pierre de Caussac 1281 or 82-1290 or 91(resigned) Bernard de Gandalmar 1291-

Gui Foucher 1291-1306 (resigned) Guillaume de Premaurel 1306-1312 Jourdain de Rapistan 1312-1316 (deposed) Elie Ademar 1316-1317

FREELY ELECTED ABBOTS

Guillaume Pellicier 1317-1336

Pierre Aubert 1336-1347

Jean Chabrit 1347-1355

Ademar Crespi 1355-1378

Aimeric Fabri 1378-1385

Ramnulfe Ithier 1385-1388

Pierre Redondeau 1388-1437

Guillaume de Fumel 1437-1470 (resigned)

COMMENDATORY ABBOTS

Charles de Bourbon 1471-1477 (resigned) Antoine Allemand 1477-1495

Guillaume Briconnet 1496-1507 (resigned) Sigismond de Gonzague 1507-1513 (resigned) Charles de Carrest 1513-1515 (resigned) Nicholas de Flisc1515-1519 (resigned)

Sigismond de Gonzague (2nd abbacy)1519-1525 (resigned) Francois I de Neufville 15251561 (resigned)

Francois II de Neufville 1561-

FREELY ELECTED ABBOTS

Francois II de Neufville 1579-1596 Francois Marand 1596-1603 (resigned) Rigaud de Lavaur 1603-1631

Francois de Tautal 1631-1635

Georges Barny 1635-1654

Antoine de Chavaroche 1654-1677

Alexandre Fremon 1678-1687

Henri de la Marche de Parnac 1687-1715 Rene de la Gueriniere 1716-1744 Raymond Garat 1744-1748

Francois-Xavier Mondain de la Maison-Rouge 1748-1787

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

The bibliography of the Order of Grandmont is mainly contained in the works of Dom Jean Becquet osa (see below

p. 386 and of J-R. Gaborit (see below under Art and Archi tecture.) There is a vast quantity of primary source mate rials distributed throughout the departmental archives of France. The largest collection of Grandmontine documen tation is that of the former Seminary of Limoges now in the Archives de la Haute Vienne. Regrettably this collection is not available for consultation at present. However, the nineteenth century historian, Louis Guibert did have ac cess to this material and much of it, especially the corre spondence relevant to the suppression of the Order is reproduced in his work (see below). Chapter 7 of the present work is dependent upon this source.

Fundamental Texts

The Thoughts/Maxims of St Stephen of Muret compiled by Hugues Lacerta and others circa 1157: Liber de Doctrina vel Liber Sententiarum, PL 204: 1086-1136.

The Rule of Grandmont composed by the fourth prior of Grandmont, Stephen Liciac (ruled 1139-1163): Regula Ven erabilis Viri Stephani Muretensis, PL 204: 1135-1162.

383

The Life of St Stephen which emerged between the years 1139 and 1163 and was supplemented circa 1190: Vita Ven erabilis Viri Stephani Muretensis, PL 204: 1005-1076.

The Speculum Grandimontis, the work of the seventh prior of Grandmont, Gerard Ithier. Volume one, a compilation of the Vita B and appendices, the Liber Sententiarum, and the Rule, has disappeared but volume two survives in the Archives de la Haute Vienne. (Ms166) It includes a number of the treatises containing descriptions of grandmontine life and custom. These and other fundamental grandmon tine texts have been published in the following works:

E. Martene and U. Durand, Veterum scriptorum et monu mentorum historicum dogmaticorum, moralium, amplissima col lectio 6 (Paris: 1729)

E. Martene and U. Durand, 'Antigua statuta ordinis Grandimontensis', Thesaurus novus anecdotorum 4 (Paris 1717.)

All the above texts have been conveniently compiled and edited by Dom Jean Becquet OSB under the title: Scriptores Ordinis Grandimontensis, Corpus Christianorum, Continu atio Mediaevalis 8 (Turnhout, Belgium: 1968)

Early Eyewitness Accounts

Gerald of Wales

Walter Map

John of Salis bury

Speculum Ecclesiae; ed. J.S. Brewer, Giraldus Cambrensis, Opera 4 (London: Rolls Series, 1873)

De Nugis Curialium l; ed., M.R. James, Anecdota Oxoniensia, Medieval and Modern Series, part 14 (Oxford, 1914)

Policraticus; ed. C.C.J. Webb, Johannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Camotensis Poli cratici sive De Nugis Curialium et Vestigiis Philosophorum Book 8 (Oxford, 1909).

Geoffrey de Vig-

eois Chronica Gaufredi Coenobitae Monasterii S Martialis Lemovicensis ac Prioris Vos ciensis coenobi; ed., P. Labbe, Nova Bibliotheca Manuscriptorum 2 (Paris, 1657).

Jacques de Vitry Historiae occidental cap. 19 (Douai,

1597). 5 Cited: J. Levesque, Annales Ordinis Grandimontis (Troyes, 1662)

pp. 150-153.

Guiot de Pro

vins 'La Bible'; ed., J. Orr. Les Oeuvres de Guiot de Provins (Manchester: Univer sity Press, 1915).

Nigel Wireker

Speculum Stultorum; edd., Martene et Durand, Veterum Scriptorum Ampli- ssima Collectio 6 (Paris, 1729).

GENERAL HISTORY

The best studies of the Order of Grandmont are the following thesis and series of articles by Dom Jean Becquet OSB:

Recherches sur les institutions religieuses de l'Ordre de Grandmont au Moyen Age, diplome dactyl. Ecole pratique des hautes etudes (1951). Copy in the Archives de la Haute Vienne, Limoges.

Articles in the Revue Mabillon

'Les premiers ecrivains de l'Ordre de Grandmont',

RMab 43 (1953) 121-37.

'L'Institutio, premier coutumier de Grandmont', RMab

46 (1952) 15-32.

'Les Institutions de l'Ordre de Grandmont au Moyen Age', RMab 42 (1952) 31-42.

'Le Bullaire de l'Ordre de Grandmont', RMab 46-53 (1956-1963 passim.

'Bibliotheque des ecrivains de l'Ordre de Grandmont'

RMab 53 (1963) 59-79.

'Les statuts de reforme de l'Ordre de Grandmont au xrre

siecle', RMab 59 (1977) 129-43.

Articles in the Bulletin Archeologique et Historique du Limousin

'Saint-Etienne de Muret et l'archeveque de Benevent Milon', Bull 86 (1957) 403-09.

'La Regle de Grandmont', Bull 87 (1958) 9-36.

'La premiere crise de l'Ordre de Grandmont', Bull 87 3e

livraison (1960) 283-324.

also

'La liturgie de l' Ordre de Grandmont' in Ephemerides Liturgicae 76 (1962) 146-61.

'Etienne de Muret' in Dictionnaire de Spiritualite IV(1961)

cols 1504-14.

OTHER HISTORICAL WORKS

Delisle, L.

Dereine, Canon Charles Fouquet, J. & Frere Philippe Etienne

Genicot, L.

Hallam, Eliz abeth M.

'Examen de treize chartes de l'Ordre de Grandmont', Memoires de la Societe des Antiquaires de Normandie 20 (Caen, 1854).

'L'obituaire primitif de l'Ordre de Grandmont', BSAHL 87 (1960) 325-31.

Histoire de L'Ordre de Grandmont

(Chambray, 1985).

'Presentation de Saint-Etienne de Muret et de sa pauvrete', Revue Nou velle 19 (1954) 578-89.

'Henry II, Richard I and the Order of Grandmont', Journal of Medieval History 1 (1975) 165-86.

La Grassiere,

P.B. de Lanthonie, A. Leder, Canon A.

Levesque, Dom

Palma , L. Pellistrandi, C.

Seward, D.

Messieurs de Monneron Mousequetaires du Roi et l'Abbaye de Grandmont (Limoges, 1979).

Histoire de l'Abbaye de Grandmont en Lim ousin (Limoges, 1979).

'Histoire de l'Abbaye de Grandmont',

BSAHL 57-60 passim (1907-1911).

Annales Ordinis Grandimontis (Troyes,

1662)

'La Poverta nell'Ordo di Grandmont',

Aevum 48 (1974) 270-87.

'La Pauvrete dans la Regle de Grand mont'. Etudes sur l'histoire de la pauvrete ed.M.Mollat(Paris, 1974)229-45. 'The Grandmontines - A Forgotten

Order', Downside Review 83 (1965)

249-64.

The Seventeenth Century Reform

Becquet, Dom J.

Rochias, Dom

J.B.

The Suppression

Chevallier, P. Guibert, L.

'Charles Fremon, Dictionnaire de Spiri tualite IV (1961) 1504-14.

Vie du Reverend Pere Charles Fremon Reformateur de Grandmont, pb. Canon

A. Leder (Limoges: Ducourtieux et Goftt, 1910).

Lomenie de Brienne et l'ordre monastique,

1766-1789, Vol 1: pp. 100-104; Vol 2

pp. 148-163 (Paris, 1960).

'Une page de l'histoire du clerge £ran ais au XVIIIe siecle, Destruction de L'Ordre et de L'Abbaye de Grand mont', BSAHL 23-25 passim. Reprinted in a complete volume under the same title (Paris and Limoges, 1877).

HISTORY OF

THE GRANDMONTINE FOUNDATIONS IN ENGLAND

Rose Graham's work, 'The Order of Grandmont and its Houses in England' published jointly with Sir Alfred Clapham's article, 'The Order of Grandmont and its Archi tecture' Archaeologia 75 (1926), remains the definitive his tory of the Grandmontines in England. It was republished in English Ecclesiastical Studies (London: SPCK, 1929).

Craswall Priory (Herefordshire)

Wright, C.F. 'Report on the Field Study in Medi

aeval Architecture held in July, 1962 on the site of Craswall Priory, Here fordshire', Transactions of the Woolhope Naturalists' Field Club 38 (1964-1966)

76-81.

Lilwall, C.J.

Stallybrass, B.

Shoesmith, R.

Something About Craswall Priory, near Hay (pamphlet: Hereford, 1910) 'Craswall Priory', Transactions of the Woolhope Naturalists' Field Club 1902-1904,pp.267-73.

'Craswall Priory Excavations' Ibid.

1908-1911,pp.36-49.

'Craswall Priory, Near Hay, Here fordshire' (Report for the Committee of the Society for the Protection of An cient Buildings). Transactions of the Woolhope Naturalists' Field Club, 1914-1917,pp. 49-52.

'Craswall Priory', Archaeology in Here ford, Annual Report of the City Archae- ology Committee (1985-1986), pp. 26-28.

'Neglect and Decay: The Case of Craswall Priory', Rescue News - The Newspaper of the British Archaeologi cal Trust 41 (1986) pp. 5-6.

Alberbury Priory (Shropshire)

Eyton, R.W.

Chibnall, Mar jorie M.

Antiquities of Shropshire,8 (London and Shifnal, 1858) pp. 66-110.

'House of Grandmontine Monks', Vic toria History of the Counties of England, 2:Shropshire (London: University of London Institute of Historical Re search, 1973) pp. 47-50.

Grosmont Priory (Yorkshire)

Atkinson, J.C. History of Cleveland, part II (Barrow-in

Furness, 1874) 200-202.

Brown, W. 'Description of Twelve Small Yorkshire

Priories at the Reformation', Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 9 (1886) 213-15.

Fallow, T.M. 'The Priory of Grosmont', Victoria His

tory of the Counties of England 3:York shire (London: University of London Institute of Historical Research, 1913) 193-94.

Kendall , H.P. The Priory of Grosmont in Eskdale

(Whitby 1929).

Vickers, Noreen 'Grosmont Priory' Yorkshire Archae

ological Journal 56 (1984) 45-49.

THE HISTORY OF SPECIFIC PRIORIES AND CELLS

IN FRANCE

The archives and archaeological and historical societies of the various French departments contain a wealth of studies of individual priories and cells of the Order of Grandmont. The following list includes those which have been of some value in the preparation of the present work and is by no means exhaustive.

The name of the relevant department has been added in brackets after each work.

Bazin, P. Bornet, Canon

Bourderioux, L'Abbe

Carre '' de Buss erole, J-X.

Coutan, Dr

Darras, E.

Farcy, Canon

L'Ancien Prieure de Breuil. Dijon, 1953.

(Cote d'Or).

Le Prieure de Notre-Dame-de Clairefontaine ou des Bonshommes de l'Or dre de Grandmont pres de Savignies, 1207-1791. Beauvais, 1922. (Oise).

'Vestiges Grandmontains Tour angeaux' Bulletin de la Societe Archeologi que de Touraine 32 (1959) 199-223. (Indre et Loire).

L'Ancien Prieure de Hauterives', 'Memoires e de la Societe Archeologique de Touraine 13 (1861) 188-92. (Indre et Loire).

'La Chapelle de Notre-Dame-du-Pare, Prieure de Grandmont a Rouen' Bulle tin Monumental 92 (1933) 207-19. (Seine

Maritime).

Le Prieure Grandmontain de Notre-Dame des Bonshommes du Meynel-les Maffliers. Pontoise- l'Isle-Adam, 1928. (Val d'Oise).

Une Page de l'Histoire de Rauen, le Prieure de Grandmont des origines a nos jours, Rouen, 1934. (Seine-Maritime).

Gaborit, J-R.

Garand, R.

Garriot, A. & Pr ter, J.L. Guibert, L.

Lerat, B.

Leveel, P.

Moutie, A.

Noirot, A.J.

Oury, DomG. and Arnould, Canon

Rey, D.

'Notre-Dame-du-Pare Eglise du pri eure de Grandmont a Rouen' Revue de la Societe Savante de la Haute Normandie

53 (1969) 15-25. (Seine Maritime). 'Essai sur le Prieure Grandmontain de Bandouille en Bressuirais'. Extraits du

Bulletin des Amis du Vieux-Bressuire 2 (1950-1951) 17-35. (Deux-Sevres).

Essai sur l'histoire de L'Abbaye de L'Ouye.

Dourdan (undated). (Essonne).

Le Monastere de Balezis. Limoges, 1877. (Haute-Vienne).

'Une Charte inedite de Richard Coeur de Lion concernant trois prieures de l'Ordre de Grandmont en Bas-Poitou', Revue de Bas-Poitout (Fontenay-le Comte, 1944) 121-31.

'Grandmont-les-Tours depuis deux siedes', Bulletin de la Societe Archeologi que de Touraine 37 (1972) 159-66.(lndre et Loire).

Receuil des pieces et chartes relatives au Prieure Notre-Dame-de-Louye-les Dourdan de l'Ordre de Grandmont. Paris, 1845. (Essonne).

'Le Prieure Grandmontain de Vieu pou, La Vallee d'Aillant dans l'histoire, IV (Aillant-sur-Tholon, 1976) 215-45. (Yonne).

'Les Grandmontains de Bois-Rahier pres de Tour, Bulletin de la Societe Ar cheologique de Touraine 37 (1953) 245-61. (Indre et Loire).

'Le Prieure de Comberoumal en Le vezou', Etudes d'archeologie grandmon taines, Rodez, 1925. (Aveyron).

Rocher, C. Secret, J.

Terre, M.

Vallette, R. & Charbonneau Lucy, L.

Vitalis, A.

Art and Architecture

Aussibal, A. Crozet, R.

Dion, A. de

Gaborit, J-R.

Le Monastere de Sainte-Marie-de-Viaye,

Le Puy, 1877. (Haute Loire).

'Les Prieures grandmontains du di ocese de Perigueux', Bulletin de la Soci ete Archeologique et Historique du Perigord 82 (1955) 107££.

L'Ordre de Grandmont et le Prieure de Saint-Jean-les-Bons-Hommes a Avallon. Clamecy, 1951. (Yonne).

'Un Monastere Oublie, le Prieure de Grandmont au Diocese de Lu on', Re vue du Bas-Poitou, livraison 1 (1918)

18-27. (Vendee).

Une page de l'histoire du Diocese de Lodeve, Le Prieure de Saint-Michel-de Grandmont. Montpellier, 1985. (Her ault).

L'Art Grandmontain. La Pierre-qui-Vire: Zodiaque, 1984.

L'Architecture de L'Ordre de Grandmont en Poitou, Saintonge et Angumois. An gouleme, 1946.

'Note sur !'architecture dans l'Ordre de Grandmont', Bulletin Monumental 40 (1874) 560-74; 42 (1876) 247-65 and

310-29.

'L' Architecture de L'Ordre de Grand mont', Unpublished thesis: Ecole des Chartes, Paris 1963. (Copy in the Ar chives de la Haute Vienne.)

'L' Autel Majeur de Grandmont', Ca hiers de Civilisation Medievale Xe - XJJe siecles (Universite de Poitiers, 1976) 231-46.

Gauthier, Marie Madeleine S.

Grezillier, A.

Guibert, L. Leder, A. de Linas, C.

Souchal, Ge nevieve

'Le Tresor de L'Abbaye de Grand mont', Unpublished thesis: Ecole du Louvre. (Copy in the Archives de la Haute Vienne.)

'Coffret eucharistique provenant du tresor de Grandmont', Information d'histoire de l'art 9 (1964) 81-83.

Emaux champleves des XIIe, XIIJe et XJVe

si'i!cles. (Paris, 1950) 21,

29-30,70,72,74,77,88, 151.

'L' Architecture Grandmontaine', Bul letin Monumental 21 (1963) 331-58. 'Vestiges Grandmontains', BSAHL 86 troisieme livraison (1957) 411-424.

'L' ecole monastique d' orfevrerie de Grandmont', BSAHL 36 (1889) 45-199.

'Les grandes chasses de Grandmont',

BSAHL 38 (1891) 173 ff.

'Les Emaux de L'Abbaye de Grand mont', Revue de l'art chretien 11 (1884) 341-43.

'Autour des plaques de Grandmont: une famille d' emaux champleves lim ousins de la fin du XIIe siecle', Bulletin Monumental 125 (1967) 21-71.

'Les emaux de Grandmont au XIIe sie cle', Bulletin Monumental 120-122 (1962-1964) passim.

'L' email de Guillaume de Treignac, six ieme Prieur de Grandmont', Gazette des Beaux-Arts 3 (1964) 65-80.

GENERAL INDEX

(p) = Grandmontine priory (c)=Grandmontine cell

Ademar de Friac, 82-84 Ademar de la Vergne, 132 Adrian IV (pope), 57

Alberbury (c), 10, 106, 131, 144, 162f,

171, 283£, 292

Alexanderill(pope),77,80 Alexander V (pope), 163 Allemand, Antoine, 167,173

Ambazac, 32, 37, 43, 51, 97, 251,

256,285

Amelius de Montcocu, 51, 53

Anacletus II (antipope), 45, 63

'Annales Ordinis Grandimontis', 32,35f,51,54,57,ll2, 185,195 APSE,289,297,300-303,315,324,

345

Architecture, 281-348, and see individual tenns

Argentre, Charles de Plessis-d', 214, 230, 232-277 passim

Articles of Vincennes, 77-81, 83£,

110

Aubert, Pierre, 153, 154 Augustinians, see Canons Regular Aulnoy (c),177, 289

Aussibal, A., 339,343

Avignon popes, 160, 162-5, and see names

Badeix (c), 286, 288, 298, 315, 332,

334£, 339£

Barny, Georges, 189-195, 202

Barny, Marie, 136

Beaufort, Pierre Roger de, 320, see also Gregory XI

Beaumont (p), 192, 199 Beaumont, Christophe de, 213,

238, 259£, 268

Becquet, dom Jean, 9, 37, 73, 118,

173

BELLCOTES, 324£

Belliue, la (p), 337, 341

Benedictines, 21£, 34, 115, 139-141,

145,216,219,253,264,326

Counter Reformation, 182 hermits, 14£

Guillaume de Fumel, 163£ priests, 86£

Rule, 14, 19, 35, 40, 54, 56, 86,

248

Bercey (p), 190, 199

Bernard de Clairvaux, 47, 63,101,

152

Bernard de la Coudre, 77, 79 Bernard de Rissa, 134f

Bemis, (card.) Fran ois Joachim de Pierre de, 235, 240, 246-248,

251,259

'Bible Guiot', 74£, 80, 107, 129 Black Prince, Edward the, 155£ Bois d'Allonne (p), 10, 160, 282,

299-309 passim, 315,319,333

Bois de Verdelais (c), 176

Bois de Vincennes (p), 62, 132, 133,

143,163,173,184,282

Articles, 77-81

conflict with mother house, 23, 68, 76£

Bois Rahier (p), 63, 118, 135, 143,

188£, 286, 321, 343

Boisvert (c), 44, 282

Bonneraye (c), 340

'Bonshommes', 45, 62,207 Boschiac, Pierre Bernard, 54, 59£,

62, 64

Boulogne (p), 22, 184, 344

and de Rance, 165, 182 Bourbons,28,228,262

395

Bourbon, Charles de, 166£ Bourderioux, M. (abbe), 310,329 Breuil, le (c), 306£

Breuil Bellay (c) 299, 306, 312, 314£,

334

Briconnet, Guillaume (card.), 23, 165, 167£, 173

Bronzeaux, les (c), 337

Bull of Union 1772, 253£, 264-267

Bussy-en-Forez (p), 200

BUTIRESSING, 314-315

Calabria , Basilean hermits in, 32-34,43

Camaldolese, 15-17, 33£, 38, 69

Canons Regular, 20£, 35£, 56, 115,

127, 139£, 246

CAPITALS, 305-308, 326£, 336

Carthusians, 17££, 34£, 58, 70, 72,

146, 219, 325

Cassian, John, 40£, 73 Caturcin, 84-86, 131 Cayrolis, Jean, 166£ Chabrit, Jean, 154£ CHANCEL REVEAL, 300££ CHAPELS, 320-324

CHAPTER HOUSE, 286, 328,

332-337

Charbonni res (c), 299, 315, 320,

337,340

Charles V (France), 155£ Charles VII (France), 167 Charnes (c), 177

Chassay (c), 10, 286, 303, 305, 315,

332,336,338,340

Chateauneuf (p), 305,311£, 315, 318,

340

Chatenet (p), 44, 313, 342

nuns at, 136, 174, 192, 274

Chavanon (p), 163, 200, 293, 314£,

325

Chavaroche, Antoine de, 195-197

Chene Galon (p), 132, 210, 221

CHOIR, 290, 317, 347

CHURCH, 285-325, 345

dimensions, 290-292

interiors, 316-320

Cistercians, 13, 19, 34, 56, 58, 59,

67, 77, 95, 106, m,115, 119, 127,

136, 138££, 146, 181, 257, 325

'Carta Caritatis', 20

architecture, 281, 286, 306, 328,

338, 340, 344, 347

internal conflict, 69, 220

lay brothers, 88, 94

de Rance, 165, 182

visitors, 132-139 passim

Clairefontaine (c), 10

Clapham, Alfred W., 322,329 Clement III (pope), 64, 81, 97

Clement V (pope), 135, 137£, 228

Clement VI (pope), 153£, 320 Clement VII (Avignon), 160, 162 Clement XIII (pope), 212,215,227 Clement XIV (pope), 204, 212,

227£, 240, 248, 253

Clercs, 18, 77£,87-90, 128

CLOISTERS, 285£, 326-328, 344

Cluniacs, 14£, 74, lllf, 119, 136,

143, 146, 151, 166, 219, 246, 281,

285, 306, 325, 347

Cluny Panel, 97-102

Cluseau (c), 44

Comberoumal (c), 10, 285, 287, 290,

295, 298, 302£, 305, 307, 312,

315, 332-347 passim

College Mignon, Paris, 192, 202,

204£, 208-210, 216, 221, see also

University

Commendatory System, 23, 164£ abbots/priors, 165-177, 337,344

Ordinance of Blois, 172, 253

Commission of Regulars, 210-277

passim

'Common Observance' (Grandmontines) 35f, 192, 197,

210, 218f, 221£, 226

dissolution/bull of suppression, 229, 241ff, 253f

Convers, 42, 72£, 1.12

duties of, 42, 69, 78

juridical status of, 18, 42, 71,

88f, 94f, 110

'revolt', 22f, 56, 68ff CORBELS, 299, 313, 326, 334, 336

Corrector, 72, 85, 128, 135, 141, 145

Coudre, la (c), 62

Council of Trent, 182

Council of Vincennes, 77, 81, 110

Craswall (c), 10, 22, 94, 104, 106,

130, 157-159, 171,284£,287,292,

301, 312, 314, 317, 319, 322, 328f,

333

Crespi Ademar, 155-157, 159

Cressac, de, 241-246, 249,252,

255

Curiosi, 72f, 79, 85, 87, 110, 128,

139

'Custumal', 54, 75, 107f

on architecture, 294, 343 on clothing, 113f

on curiosus, 72

on diet, 116

on priests, 110

on prior, 72

revision of (1314), 142

Daguerre, dom Armand, 230-233, 240,245

Deanesly, Margaret, 58, 111, 144

Deffech (p), 144

Desert Fathers, 40, 43,325

Desgagnazeix (c), 293, 294, 298, 303

Dive, see Petit Bandouille DOORS/ ARCHWAYS, 304-314,

326f, 331f, 337, 342, 345

Dore Abbey, 22

DORTER, 18, 93f, 117, 286, 330,

339

rere d., 337f stairway, 328, 346

Drouille Blanche (c), 135f EAST RANGE, 329-339

Edward II (England), 157

Edward ill (England), 106, 157

Eleanor of Aquitaine, 45, 57 Elie Ademar, 143f

Elie Arnaud, 131f EMBRASURES, 291(see also

Windows)

Embreuil (c), 336

Epoisses (p), 116, 192£, 200, 218,

219I 332, 336

Etienne de Liciac, 37, 43, 54ff, 62,

73,325

'Maxims', 28, 29

'Vita Stephani', 28 Etienne de Muret, see under

Stephen of Muret

Etienne De Vincennes, 76f, 81

Etricor (c), 284, 290, 297f, 305, 315

Eugenius IV (pope), 164

'Exigente debito' (1317), 144-147,

150,347

Fabri, Aimeric, 159f

Faye Jumilhac (c), 230

Fontblanche (c), 303, 338, 340

Fontcreuse (c) 289

Fontenet (c), 324

Fontervrault, see Robert of Arbrissel

Foucher, Grimoard, 134 Francis I (France), 169 Franciscans, 24, 152

Francou (c), 287, 319, 336 'Fratres Anglici', 62, 133f 'Fratres Gallici', 62, 68, 133f Fremon, dom Alexandre, 187,

198-199

Fremon, dom Charles, 24, 113,

116, 186-192, 197f, 199ff, 220

Fulk Fitz Warine, 131

Fumel, Guillaume de, 163-165 Gaborit, J.R., 177, 300, 317

Garat, Raymond, 205

Gaucher (St.), 33

hermits at St. Jean d' Aureil, 36f

Geoffrey, Count of Anjou, 32, 57 Geoffrey de Loroux, 63f

Gerald of Wales, 59

Gerard Ithier, 81£, 95-102, 137 'De lnstitutione Novitiorum', 95

'Liber Sententiarum', 96 'Mirror of Grandmont', 36, 52£, 95f

priorate of, 95££ 'Vita Stephani', 27

Gilbertines, 22, 68f, 87f

Gospel (New Testament), 29, 34,

39, 101, 120£, 380

Graham, Rose, 99

Grand Bandouille (p), 157,231,292, 331, 333, 334

Grandmontine, architecture, general, 22£, 42£, 44, 98-99, 104, 1l1f (see also Architecture)

'the Bells' conflict, 82ff category of observance, 42£, 46, 104£, 253, 264

clothing, 113-115, 140, 142, 153,

155, 166f, 185

'death sentence', 216, 253f diet, 115-118, 129,140

enclosure, 53, 108f, 129, 141, 152, 282£

formation, 139, 142

granges, 105

'fratres anglici/gallici', 62, 68, 133f

and Henry II, 59£ hospitality, 109

and learning, 95, 142, 146, 160, 173£, 199,202£,205,217,339

modern revival, 379f nuns, 135-136, 174

organization, 101£, 138, 145,

325-326

and politics, 68

'Primitive' observants, 29, 193,

196-197

revision of constitutions (1631-43), 186, 193

restricted in work and income, 104£, 129, 198

secessionist priories, 184,

195-196

silence,107-108, 128

solicitude for the poor, 109, 187,

254ff, 270-271

vows, 141, 146

(for various types and classes of monk, see individual names)

Grandmont 'mother house', 24, 128, 155£,222,224,229,284,326

affiliation with nuns, 136 architecture, 97-98, 104

despoliation, 276 destruction by Huguenots, 175-176

expulsion of monks, 204, 234-277

English houses and, 158-159, 171-172

foundation, 51ff Grandmont II, 57, 173, 300

Grandmontill,204,252,254 made an abbey, 145 memorial chapel, 52

restoration, 164, 168, 181££, 194,

204

suppression, 24

Granges, 105

Gregory VII (pope), 31, 35 Gregory XI (Avignon), 320 Grezillier, A., 284, 300, 329, 339,

343,345

Grosbois (c), 337, 340

Grosmont (c), 106, 119, 130, 158,

171,312

Guerin (abbe), 258

Gueriniere, Rene-Pierre-Francois dela,201-205,208

Gui Archer, 133f

Guibert, Louis, 135, 137,194,207,

213f, 216,219,272,292

Gui Foucher, 136££

Guillaume de Treignac, 60f, 67, 74ff, 81

Guillaume d'Ongres, 132

Guillaume Pellicier, 144-147,

149-153

Hallam, E.M., 59

Hauterive (c), 289, 333

Haye d'Angers, la (p), 10, 63, 118,

186, 290, 298, 306, 314, 319-321

Henri III (France), 172£ Henri IV (France), 180

Henry II (England), 27, 67f, 77,

98, 156

and Grandmontine foundations, 57-64 Henry III (England), 130 Henry VI (England), 157 Henry V (Emperor), 32

Henry, 'the Young King', son of Henry II (England), 61

Herbault, Phelypeaux d', 248-253

Hermits/Eremiticism, 14£, 127,

325

Basilian, 34

'fratres in Calabria', 33f, 43 Limousin, 33

usages, 32ff Hier Merle, 133

Honorius III (pope), 74, 83, 85,

127, 129L 132,324

Honorius IV (pope), 134, 138

Huguenots, 171, 172, 174-176, 181,

183

Hugues de Fouilloy, 20 Hugues Lacerta, 28, 29, 44, 46,

58f, 63, 73, 88, 101£, 313

advocated small communities, 21, 67, 119

Cluny Panel, 97f

Hundred Years' War, 23, 57,

155-160, 343

Innocent II (pope), 64 visit to Muret, 45f

Innocent III (pope), 76, 83f, 94, 110

Innocent IV (pope), 116, 132, 192,

330

Innocent VI (pope), 153, 154, 158 lthier, Gerard, see first name Ithier, Ramnulphe, see first name Jacques de Vitry, 74

Jean de l' Aigle, 132, 136

Jesuits (Society of Jesus), 212, 227,

259

John XXII (pope), 90, 144, 159

'Statuta' of 186 John of Gaunt, 155 John of Salisbury, 21

John the Baptist (St.), 28, 109, 113

Jourdain de Rapistan, 141-143, 149,203

KITCHENS, 341-342

Knollys, Robert, 155

Knowles, David, 164, 182

Laity- 'universal monasticism', 46,120

Lance, la (c), 340, 341

Laybrothers, see Convers Lavaur, Rigaud de, 176f, 183-186,

190,196

Legros (abbe), 201ff, 220f Lekai, Louis, 69,257 Leo X (pope), 169 Levesque, Jean

and 'Annals, 0.Gr.', 137,177, 195

'Liber de doctrina novitiorum',

151

'Liber Sententiarum', see 'Maxims'

LIGHTING, 303-304, 312£

Lilwall, C.J., 322

Limoges (city & diocese), 51£, 86, 112,155,183,187, 198,199L204,

247f, 251, 258

and Bishop d' Argentre, 180, 193, 195-233 passim

Limousin , 21, 29, 36, 100, 155, 176,

303,312

hermits, 33

Societe Archeologique et Historique, 207

Liturgy (O.Gr), 38, 42, 76,

110-113, 307

Divine Office, ll0f, 151

offices 'ex devotio', 38, 53, 112£,

151, 329f

private masses/altars, 316

St. Stephen's proper, 112£, 199£

Liverpool College of Building,

323

Loe Dieu (c) 287

Lod e, see St. Michel de Lodeve Lomenie de Brienne, Etienne-

Charles de, 211, 214, 216, 220,

222ff, 230-277 passim Louis VII (France), 62ff Louis IX, (France), 134, 143 Louis XI (France), 161

Louis XV (France), 209, 210, 233 Louis XVI (France), 273

Louye , N.D. de (p), 10, 62£, 175, 200,218,219,290-292,294,299,

316,338,340, 347

Lucius m(pope), 137 Mabillon, Jean, 33, 35

Macheret (p), 200, 218

Manual Labour, 18f

Marche , Henri de la, 199-201

Marigny (c), 328, 337, 338, 340

Marrand, Francois, 174-177 Mathons les Bonshommes (c), 286 Matilda (Empress), 32, 57

'Maxims of St. Stephen', 28, 29,

37,40,56,%, 119-123,151

Meynel, le (p), 63, 205, 209, 230

Milon, (archbp;) Benevento, 30-34, 37, 45

'Mirror of Grandmont', % on deres and convers, 95

on dress of choir monks, 36, 114

Mitigations, Rule of Gr., (in date order)

the 'Privilege' (1217-19), 127-129

Privilege (1223), 130

'Licet ad sapientiam' (1247), 132

'Licet in privilegio' (1247), 133,

330

of Oement V (1305), 138-141,

228

'Institutions' (1314), 142£, 146

'Exigente debito' (1317),

144-147, 150

of Oement VI (1346), 153f 'Statuta' (1625-43), 186, 193, 225

general, 198,225

Mondain de la Maison Rouge, Francois-Xavier, 207-277, passim

Montaussan (c), 286, 289, 318f, 330,

340

Montcient Fontaine (c), 332, 336,

338, 340, 341, 347

Montguyon (p), 332,336

'Mother House', see Grandmont

Moulineaux, les (c), 299

Muret (c), 37, 41, 43f, 51, 174, 275,

285

Navarre , 134

NAVE, 290, 292, 294, 315££

Neufville, Francois Ide, 169-172,

342

Neufville, Francois II de, 172-174 Nicod (dom), 210,216, 218-220,

263

N.D. de Louye (p), see Louye

N.D. du Pare (p), see Parcles Rouens

Novitiate, Grandmontine 139,

142,145,151,189,201

Nuns, Grandmontine, 135f

Ordinance of Blois, 172, 253

Pare les Rouens (p), 63, 163, 187,

190,196,261,274,314,320

Pardoux de la Garde, 138, 171, 173,

300,316,

Parlement (France), and Bull of Union, 259-270 passim, 273f

Pasquier, Jean, 184

'Pastor', see Prior of Grandmont Paul V (pope}, 183

Permentier, Philippe-Etienne, 9, 82,151,194,343,379£

Petit Bandouille (Dive}, (c) 163, 294,

325,338

Philip II (France}, 62, 68, 77, 133 Philip IV (Fra ce}, 138

Philippe-Etienne, fr., see surname:

Permentier

Pierre de Caussac, 134, 137££ Pierre de Limoges, 51, 55

Pine[ (p), 168, 175-177, 287, 338,

347

Plaine, la (c), 44£, 63

PORTICUS, 313-314, 321, 345

Poverty, 17, 21, 43, 101, 105f, 113,

122,140,143,152,162

Premonstratensians, 69f

Primaudi re, la (c), 299, 301£, 315, 325

Primitive Observance 0. Gr., 24,

ll6, 194, 212, 218, 245, 263

dom Boboul, 192

branch disbanded, 219 chief house at Thiers, 196f first house at Epoisses, 193 origins, 185, 190

separate chapter, 200

Statutes of, 200

the '20 Articles' of 1665, 197

Prior of Grandmont (also

'Pastor'}, 78, 85, 108, TIO, 138f,

330

as Abbot, 150, 153££, 253 and English houses, 158f jurisdiction, 21, 72£ 'Privilege', 127f transfers, 80

'Privilege' (of Honorius III}, 127-129, 324

Puy Chevrier (p), 10, 298, 310-317

passim, 330f, 336, 342

Ramnulphe lthier, 160

Rance, Armand-Jean de, 165, 182,

220

Rauzet (c}, 288f, 315 Raveau (p}, 195

Razat (dom), 216££, 230, 267f Redondeau, Pierre, 158, 160-163,

172

REFECTORY, 340-341

Robert of Arbrissel, 16, 19, 70, 87

Robert of Chaise Dieu, 16, 19

Rochias, Jean-Baptiste, 189, 197,

201,330

Roche-Aymon, de la (card.), 211 Romuald (St.), 15f

Rule of Grandmont, 86f, 101, 215,

221£, 243, 281£

and Articles of Vincennes, 79f on clercs, 41£, 70f

on convers, 67, 71-74 on curiosus, 72f

on enclosure, 53, 109, 313, 322

exclusion of women, 37, 135,

141

Gospel as fundamental source, 19,34,39,46, 197,379f

on hospitality, 17, 45, 284 on manual labor, 19 mitigations of, 127-133, 221

on obedience, 54, 73

origin of, 16, 28, 55ff

on poverty, 43, 140, 143 on priests, 86, 108f

on Prior of Grandmont, 72, 85 prohibition of land ownership, 18f, 20f, 61, 105, 129f, 131, 198

prohibition of litigation, 20, 51,

150,285

provision for income, 18f, 106 on reading, 19

on sick brethren, 116-118 on silence, 107£, 141

on St. Stephen, 39-41

St. Michel de Lodeve (p), 10, 58, 200, 287, 290, 292, 298, 306, 312,

315, 320£, 325, 326£, 332£, 338,

340

St-Sylvestre (church), 252, 255, 258 Stephen de Liciac, see Etienne de

Liciac SANCTUARY, 98, 317

Sauvage, le (c), 333f, 338, 340

Seward, Desmond, 40,183,220,

348

Souchal, Genevieve Francois-, 98ff

Stephen of Muret (St.), austerity of, 38-40

childhood, 13, 28f

canonization, 96-99

compared with other founders, 47

and Cluny Panel, 97-102

first foundation, 16f general, 27-48

Gospel and, 29 in Italy, 30ff

spiritual patrimony, 119-123,

188,380

solitude, 37

spirit of, 22, 47f, 88f, 262, 275 as spiritual father, 39

'universal monasticism', 46, 120

and women, 36-37

Stephen of Obazine (St.), 16, 19£, 56

Stephen Harding (St.), 20 Stephen, Viscount of Thiers, 13,

Strict Observance, o. Gr., see

Primitive Observance Suppression, O.Gr., 52, 207-277 Tautal, Francois de, 187, 190f Theobald IV of Navarre, 134

Thiers (c), 196ff, 218f

Trezen (c), 292

Turgot, Anne-R. -J. (Intendant of Limoges), 236f, 252

UNDERCROFT, 286, 337-338,

339,347

University and Grandmontines, 146,160

Paris College (Mignon), 173f, 192, 204£, 208-210, 216, 221

Urban III (pope), 76 Urban VI (pope), 160

Ursula (St.), relics of, 102-104 VAULTING, 294-300

Vauverte, de la, 259, 267, 269, 270f

Vergniaud (dom), 136,258,261

Viaye (p), 166

Vieupou (p), 175, 195, 220

Villiers (c), 63, 288, 310, 317, 333,

337, 340, 379

Vincent de Paul (St.) 186, 193

'Vita Stephani' (all MSS), 27ff, 31, 33, 35, 96, 99

Vitecoq, J.-B -Francois de, 205 the 'Vitecoq Affair', 208-210

Vrilliere, St-Florentin, Due de la, 226,229

Walter de Lacy, 131 Walter Map, 59, 67f

Wars of Religion, 23, 57, 172, 174ff (see also Huguenots)

WEST RANGE , 342-344

William of Pontigny (also William of Bourges), 77, 83f

WINDOWS, 290,337,341, 345ff

in dorter, 339

lighting effects, 303-304

Women and Grandmontines, 36f, 141,321

nuns of the Order, 135-136, 174

Woolhope Club, 322

Wright, Cecil F., 301£, 319, 322£

ClSTERClAN PlJBLlCATlONS lNC.

Kalamazoo , Michigan

TITLES LISTING

THE CISTERCIAN FATHERS SERIES

THE WORKS OF BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX

Treatises I: Apologia to Abbot William,

On Precept and Dispensation CF

On the Song of Songs I-IV CF 4,7,31,40

The Life and Death of Saint Malachy

the Irishman CF I0

Treatises II: The Steps of Humility,

On Loving God CF 13

Magnificat: Homilies in Praise of the Blessed Virgin Mary (with Amadeus

of Lausanne( CF I 8

Treatises Ill: On Grace and Free Choice,

In Praise of the New Knighthood CF 19

Sermons on Conversion: A Sermon to Clerics, Lenten Sermons on Psalm 91 CF 25

Five Books on Consideration:

Advice 10 a Pope CF 37

THE WORKS OF WILLIAM OF SAINT THIERRY

On Contemplating God, Prayer,

and Meditations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. CF Exposition on the Song of Songs ..........CF 6 The Enigma of Faith ...................CF 9

The Golden Epistle CF 12

The Mirror of Faith CF 15

Exposition on the Epistle to the

Romans CF 27

The Nature and Dignity of Love CF 30

THE WORKS OF AELRED OF RIEVAULX

Treatises I: On Jesus at the Age of Twelve,

Rule for a Recluse, The Pastoral Prayer ....CF 2

Spiritual Friendship ...................CF 5

The Mirror of Charity CF l 7t

Dialogue on the Soul. CF 22

THE WORKS OF GILBERT OF HOYLAND

Sermons on the Song of Songs I-Ill CF 14,20,26

Treatises, Sermons, and Epistles CF 34

THE WORKS OF JOHN OF FORD

Sermons on the Final Verses of the Song

of Songs I-VII CF 29, 39,43,44,45,46,47

Texts and Studies in the

Monastic Tradition

OTHER EARLY CISTERCIAN WRITERS

The Letters of Adam of Perseigne, I CF 2 I

Alan of Lille: The Art of Preaching CF 23

!dung of Priifening. Cistercians and Cluniacs: The Case for Citeaux CF ll

Guerric of lgny.

Liturgical Sermons 1-11 CF 8,32

Three Treatises on Man: A Cistercian Anthropology CF 24

Isaac of Stella. Sermons on the

Christian Year, I. CF 11

Stephen of Lexington. Letters from

Ireland , 1228-9 CF 28

Stephen of Sawley, Treatises CF 36

Baldwin of Ford. Spiritual Tractates CF 38,41

Serio of Wilton & Serio of Savigny CF 48

Tr:mporarily /JUI of print t Fortbanning

THE CISTERCIAN STUDIES SERIES

MONASTIC TEXTS

Evagrius Ponticus. Praktikos and

Chapters on Prayer ..................CS 4

The Rule of the Master .................CS 6

The Lives of the Desen Fathers CS 34 The Sayings ofrhe Desen Fathers CS 59

The Harlots of the Desen CS J06

Dorotheos of Gaza. Discourses

and Sayings CS ll

Pachomian Koinonia 1-111:

The Lives CS 45

The Chronicles and Rules CS 46

The Instructions, Letters, and Other Writings of Sr Pachomius and

His Disciples CS 47

Besa, The Life of Shenoute CS 73

Menas of Nikiou: Isaac of

Alexandria & St Macrobius CS 107

The Syriac Fathers on Prayer and the

Spiritual Life (S. Brock) CS IO I

Theodoret of Cyrrhus. A History'of

rhe Monks of Syria CS 88

Simeon Stylites, The Lives CS I 12t

Symeon the New Theologian. Theological and Practical Treatises and Three

Theological Discourses . . . . . CS 41

The Venerable Bede: Commentary on

rhe Seven Catholic Epistles CS 82

The Letters of Armand:Jean de Rance

(A.j. Krailsheimer) CS 80, 81

Guigo II the Canhusian. The Ladder of

Monks and Twelve Meditations CS 48

The Monastic Rule of losif Volotsky CS 36

Anselm of Canterbury. Letters. . .CS 94.95t Br. Pinocchio, Rule of Sr Benedict CS 99

PererofCelle: Selected Works CS 100

CHRISTIAN SPIRITUALITY

The Spirituality of Western

Christendom CS 30

Russian Mystics (Sergius Bolshakoff) CS 26

In Quesr of the Absolute: The Life and Works

of Jules Monchanin (J.G. Weber) CS 51

The Name of Jesus (lrenee Hausherr) CS 44

The Roors of the Modern

Christian Tradition. CS H

Abba, Guides to Wholeness and

Holiness East and West CS 38

Sermons in a Monastery

(Matthew Kelty-William Paulsell) CS 58

Penthos, The Doctrine of Compunction in

rhe Christian East (lrence Hausherr) CS H

The Spirituality of rhe Christian Easr. A Systematic Handbook (Tomas

Spidlik SJ) CS 79

Temporarily l1Ut of print

From Cloister to Classroom CS 90

Fathers Talking. An Anthology

(Aelred Squire) CS 93

Friendship & Community

(Brian P. McGuire) CS 95

MONASTIC STUDIES

The Abbot in Monastic Tradition

(Pierre Salmon) CS 14

Community and Abbot in the Rule of

St Benedict I (Adalben de Vogiie) CS 5/1-2

Consider Your Call: A Theology of the

Monastic Life (Daniel Rees er al.) CS 20

The Way to God According to the Rule

of St Benedict (E. Heufelder) CS 49

The Rule of St Benedict. A Doctrinal and Spiritual Commentary

(Adalben de Vogiie) CS 54

Serving God First (Sighard Kleiner) CS 83

Monastic Practices (Charles Cummings) CS 75

St Hugh of Lincoln (David Hugh Farmer) CS 87

CISTERCIAN STUDIES

The Cistercian Way (Andre Louf) CS 76

The Cistercian Spirit

(M. Basil Pennington, ed.) CS

The Eleventh-Century Backgtound of

Citeaux (Bede K. Lackner) .............CS 8

Cistercian Sign Language

(Rohen Barakat) CS II

The Cistercians in Denmark

(Brian P. McGuire) CS H

Athirst for God. Spiritual Desire in Bernard of Oairvaux's Sermons on

the Song of Songs (Michael Casey) CS 77

Saint Bernard of Oairvaux, Essays Commemorating the Eighth Centenary of

His Canonization CS 28

Bernard of Clairvaux: Studies Presented

to Dom Jean Leclercq CS 2 3

Bernard of Clairvaux and rhe Cistercian

Spirit (Jean Leclercq) CS 16

Another Look at St Bernard

(Jean Leclercq) CS 105

Women and Womanhood in the Works of

Sr Bernard (Jean Leclercq) CS I04

Image and Likeness. The Augustinian Spirituality of William of St Thierry

(David N. Bell) CS 78

William, Abbot of St Thierry CS 94

Aelred of Rievaulx: A Study

(Aelred Squire) CS 50

Christ the Way: The Christology of

Guerric of Igny (John Morson) CS 25

The Golden Chain: The Theological Anthropology of Isaac of Stella

(Bernard McGinn) CS 15

t Fortbanning

Nicolas Cotherer's Annals of Cireaux (Louis J. Lekai).

The Occupation of Celtic Sires in Ireland by the Canons Regular of Sr Augustine

.cs 57

Thomas Merton Monk (revised edition/

Brother Patrick Hart, ed.) CS 52

The Legacy of Thomas Merton

(Brother Patrick Hart, ed.) CS 92

and rhe Cisrercians (G. Carville) CS 56

The Finances of rhe Cisrercian Order in

the Fourteenth Century (Peter King) CS 85

Rance and the Trappest Legacy

(A. J. Krailsheimer). . CS 86

Fountains Abbey and Its Benefactors.

1132-ll00 (loan Wardrop)...... CS 91

Medit1Jal Rtligious Womm

Distant Echoes: MRW. I (LT. Shank

and j.A. Nichols, edd.). CS 71

Peace Weavers. MRW II

(LT. Shank andj.A. Nichols, edd.) CS 72

Studies in Medit1Jal Cisttrtian History :rub-serits

Studies I. . . . CS ll

Studies II. . CS 24

Cistercian Ideals and Reality

(Studies Ill) CS 60

Simplicity and Ordinariness

(Studies IV) CS 61

The Chimera of His Age: Studies on

St Bernard (Studies V). . CS 63

Cistercians in the Late Middle Ages

(Studies VI). . . CS 64

Noble Piety and Reformed Monasticism

(Studies VII). CS 65

Benedictus: Studies in Honor of Sr Benedk

of Nursia (Studies VIII). CS 67

Thomas Menon and Asia: His Quest for

Utopia (Alexander Lipski) CS 74

Towards an Integrated Humanity

(M.B. Pennington, ed.) CS 103

Thomas Merton: Monk & Artist

(Victor Kramer) CS I02

THE CISTERCIAN LITURGICAL DOCUMENTS SERIES

The Cistercian Hymnal: Introduction

and Commentary CLS I

The Cistercian Hymnal: Text and

Melodies CLS 2

The Old French Ordinary and Breviary

of the Abbey of the Paraclete: Introduction

and Commentary CLS 3

The Old French Ordinary of the Abbey of

the Paraclete: Text CLS 4

The Paraclete Breviary: Text CLS 5-7

The Hymn Collection of the Abbey of the Paraclete: Introduction

and Commentary CLS 8

The Hymn Collection of the Abbey of the Paraclete: Text. . . . . . . CLS 9

The Molesme Summer-Session

Breviary ......................CLS I0- I4

lnstitutionts nostrae, The Paraclete

Statutes CSL 20

STUDIA PATRISTICA

Heaven on Earth (Studies IX) .. Goad and Nail (Studies X).

Erudition in God's Service (Studies XI)..

.cs 68

.cs 84

. cs 98

Papers of the Oxford Patristics Conference I 983

(Elizabeth A. Livingstone, ed.)

I. Historica-Gnostica-Biblica

Critica-Classica-Ascetica-Liturgica

The Second Century-Clement and Origen-The

Studits in Cisttrtian Art and ArcbittctUrt

Studies in Cistercian Arr and Architecture, I (Meredith Lillich, ed.). . . CS 66

Studies in Cistercian Arr and Architecture, II (Meredith Lillich, ed.). . . CS 69

Studies in Cistercian Arr and Architecture, Ill (Meredith Lillich, ed.) CS 89

THOMAS MERTON

The Climate of Monastic Prayer CS

Thomas Merton on St Bernard. . . . .CS 9

Thomas Merton's Shared Contemplation:

A Protestant Perspective

(Daniel J. Adams). . . . . . . CS 62

Solitude in the Writings of Thomas Merton (Richard Anthony Cashen) CS 40

The Message of Thomas Merton

<Brother Patrick Hart, ed.). . CS 42

Cappodocian Fathers t

Augustine-Post Nicene Latin Fathers-Oriental

Texts-Natblebm of the Fathers t

FAIRACRES PRESS, OXFORD

The Wisdom of the Desert Fathers The World of the Desert Fathers The Letters of St Antony the Great

The Letters of Ammonas, Successor of St Antony

A Study of Wisdom. Three Tracts by the author of Tbt Cloud of Unlmmuing

The Power of the Name. The Jesus Prayer in Orthodox Spirituality (Kallistos Ware)

Contemporary Monasticism The Influence of St Bernard

Theology and Spirituality (Andrew Louth) Prayer and Holiness (Dumitru Staniloae)

* Temporari/y out of print t Forthcoming

Saint Gregory Nazianzen: Selected Poems Eight Chapters on Perfection and Angel's Song

(Walter Hilton)

Creative Suffering (Julia de Beausobre) Bringing Forth Christ. Five Feasts of the Child

Jesus (St Bonaventure)

Gentleness in St John of the Cross

Distributed in North America unly for Fairacm Press.

DISTRIBUTED BOOKS

St Benedict: Man with An Idea (Melbourne Studies) The Spirit of Simplicity

Benedict's Disciples (David Hugh Farmer)

The Emperor's Monk: A Contemporary Life of Benedict of Aniane

A Guide to Cistercian Scholarship (2nd ed.)

North American customers may order through booksellers or directly from the publisher:

Cistercian Publications St Joseph's Abbey

Spencer , Massachusetts 01562

(508) 885-7011

Cistercian Publications Editorial Offices WMU Station

Kalamazoo , Michigan 49008

(616) 387-5090

A complete catalogue of texts-in translation and studies on early, medieval, and modern Christian monasticism is available at no cost from Cistercian Publications.

Cistercian monks and nuns have been living lives of prayer & praise, meditation & manual labor since the twelfth century. Ibey are part of an unbroken tradition which extends back to the fourth century and which continues today in the Catholic church, the Orthodox churches, the Anglican communion, and most recently,

in the Protestant churches.

Share their way of life and their search for God by reading Cistercian Publications.

Sadly neglected in most histories of monasticism and medieval Europe is the Order of Grandmont, founded in the late eleventh century and suppressed in 1772. Although few persons today have even heard of these hermit monks, their austerity and reputation for holiness were well known during the Middle Ages and matched that of another contemporary monastic reform movement, the Cistercians. Founded on similar principles of monastic renewal, their rapid diffusion was equally remarkable. While Cistercians separated choir monks and lay brothers, the two ranks worked and prayed together at Grandmontine 'cells' and shared one choir, chapter house, refectory, and dormitory. Anyone wishing to join the brethren at prayer was welcome in their chapels, but the Grandmontines went to great lengths to ensure solitude, evangelical proverty, and a lifestyle founded on the Gospel which is, in the words of their founder, Stephen of Muret, 'The one primary and fundamental Rule of Rules for our salvation...given by the Saviour to his apostles to be by them faithfully proclaimed to the whole world.'

Archaeologist Carole Hutchison brings the history, the spirituality, and the architecture of this long-forgotten Order vividly to life. She is currently Vice-Chairman of the Craswall Grandmontine Society and has organized a number of exhibits and led study tours of Grandmontine sites in both Britain and France.

CISTERCIAN PUBLICATIONS KALAMAZOO, MICHIGAN

ISBN (he) 0 87907 618 6

(pb) 0. 7907 918 5

Cover design by Alice M. Duthie-Clark.

Cover illustration: Saint Stephen of Muret and his disciple Hugues Lacerta. This twelfth-century Limoges enamel is reproduced by the kind permission of the Curator and Trustees, Musee National des Thermes et de I'Hotel de Cluny, Paris.

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